juxtapositions such as DAM EN (wife of EN?), NIN EN, SANGA SAL, and PAP SAL
may refer to high-positioned women and perhaps priestesses. SAL also means female
slave or maid who according to statistics were more numerous than male slaves. The
economy was largely redistributive, the labor force consisted of various groups of men,
women, slaves, and perhaps children who received food and occasional clothes rations.
This system is characteristic of Sumero-Akkadian labor management.
Differentiation between gender categories and status is seen in seal images, with a
rather complex visualization of gender and status differences. The main distinctions
concern body form and style, but human figures are rarely sex marked. The majority
of men are naked, without genitals, and bald whereas most figures interpreted as
women have “formless” bodies, covered by clothes, and long hair indicated by a line
(so-called “pigtail”). The form of squatting woman resembles the shape of anthropo-
morphic stamp seals and small women figurines in kneeling posture are known whose
legs are hidden under the dress. However, this general rule has numerous exceptions.
Seal images were carved in two styles: the so-called “naturalistic” or “complex” style,
predominantly known from seal impressions with few female figures. “Schematic” style
seals feature mostly “pigtailed women” but also men and occasionally children. The
discrepancies between “naturalistic” seals used for sealing and schematic seals, appa-
rently hardly ever used to seal objects, are explained by theories of institutional use
and division according to gender; for schematic seals several other purposes than
sealing are suggested (for a summary, see Asher-Greve 2008 ). Seal impressions were not
found in original contexts in Uruk, but at other sites seals and sealings were found in
private houses and therefore it is unlikely that seals were only used by gender-
segregated institutions.
Four iconographical types are associated with four gender categories: men, women,
“pigtailed women” and “genderless people”. However, gender differentiation in visual
imagery is not representative of reality; naked bald men without genitals (the category
termed “genderless”) are symbolic figures either representing a hero, or contrasted with
women or clothed higher ranking men. Images of women are less varied than those of
men, but there are also squatting figures of ambiguous gender (Asher-Greve 2008 ). The
general rule was apparently to distinguish gender and/or hierarchical difference in the
context of one scene.
Scenes with women pertain to cult/religion or daily life but interpretation of
women’s specific activities differs. Particularly women with raised arms are variously
seen in the context of cult or daily life. Women’s role in cult is evident in seal images,
where either a single woman is the principal figure, perhaps representing a high-
ranking priestess or queen in cultic function, or several women in secondary positions
may represent a group of female cult personnel or members of the ruling family. As in
later periods, female members of the ruling family served as high priestesses. Seal
images also show women in processions carrying objects resembling emblems, or
squatting with raised arms, a gesture probably signifying worship or mourning; the
latter documented in Early Dynastic III texts where female mourners receive rations
for their service. Most women depicted on schematic seals handle pots; some are
associated with a “spider,” a symbol of spinning, or rarely whorl or loom. That women
were occupied in textile production is attested in numerous third millennium admin-
istrative texts. Pottery production is rarely depicted, women with vessels are shown
either holding, sitting behind, or surrounded by vessels; only one seal shows a con-
–– Women and agency ––