CHAPTER 9 TRANSNATIONALISM AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF MESOAMERICA 375of participation in the making of decisions and the setting of priorities. Furthermore,
the programs that are sensitive to culturally viable initiatives, which attend not only
to local needs but also to culturally meaningful means of addressing those needs,
have also led to promising results. Such is the case of the relocation of Chamulans
from the highlands of Chiapas to the rainforest. The immigrants from Chamula re-
tained some of their highland patterns and introduced new ones more appropriate
to the lowlands. The goal was to achieve a form of adaptation that was viable from
economic, ecological, and social perspectives, and that would prevent the alienation
of the resettled group.
Experiences drawn from the repertoire of local and international development
agencies repeatedly point to two major consequences of violating the needs and par-
ticipation of community members. On the one hand, projects that are not viewed as
meaningful to the people do not represent valid alternatives for rural peoples. On
the other hand, when agencies erroneously assume community homogeneity—even
when the decision-making stage of governance does reach the community—the ben-
efits often remain in the hands of local elites. The development initiative is thus trun-
cated by the same uneven mechanisms that on a much larger scale generated
underdevelopment in the first place.ECONOMY AND CHANGE IN MESOAMERICA
Let us conclude with a brief summary of the interplay between economy and cul-
ture, as it has impacted and changed the region. Specifically, we deal with such ques-
tions as the following: In the context of the extensive economic and technological
changes that we outlined before, how are people’s worldviews affected, if at all? Do
people’s private, domestic, and social lives change along with the many other
changes?
Mesoamericans have shared basic cultural assumptions since pre-Columbian
times (see Chapter 2). One of these traditional Mesoamerican traits includes close
ties to the earth, which is perceived as the great provider with whom people estab-
lish deep symbolic and ritual connections. The traditional person is thus identified
as someone who depends heavily on the earth for resources and, given the choice,
would rather have more land than any other resource. The traditional Indian ex-
pects his or her children to remain nearby, inherit the land, and keep working it.
The Mesoamerican person (idealized here) is one who, when resources are avail-
able, prefers to invest them in his or her community, often by means of participation
in the communal fiestas and the civic and religious brotherhoods (cofradías). These
investments in food, liquor, costumes for ceremonial dances, ritual paraphernalia,
care of the saints, and others provide a return that translates into higher status. There
is thus room for some degree of accumulation, when the culturally appropriate form
it takes is prestige. Accumulation of other forms of “capital,” with a lavish lifestyle and
display of wealth, is frowned upon. In this worldview, emphasis is placed on com-
munity values, solidarity, and generosity. Greed and personal ambition are viewed with
disdain.