376 UNIT 3 MODERN MESOAMERICA
Expressions of traditional beliefs and attitudes toward life, and in particular to-
ward aspects of life related to the economy, are found in the stories people tell to each
other—both in old folk accounts and in other narrations considered to be actual
events that happen to people who behave in certain ways. The moral of many of
these stories often suggests that ambition, greed, and desire to have more material
means than others have are negative values and should be condemned by all. Such
traits are perceived as detrimental to the society because they cause “envy.” Envy is
understood as a bad feeling, generated in part by conspicuous consumption, which,
according to the traditional viewpoint, could lead to disease and even death (for a
broader account of oral literature in Mesoamerica, see Chapter 13).
Within the general Mesoamerican economic ideology, there is room, of course, for
notions of change and innovation. Agricultural techniques may change slightly, fertil-
izers may be a welcome addition to depleted soils, and acceptance of rentals or share-
cropping may be necessary. The traditional native worldview is not by any means static,
but it is conservative. Conversations with people who have experienced drastic changes
in their lifestyles and economic practices reveal interesting perceptions about the issues
outlined here. Changes in economic ideology among native Mesoamericans reveal an
increasing number of people who are defining their positions differently. One transi-
tional sector is slowly questioning some of their traditional assumptions.
Petty commodity and petty capitalist producers who have intensified produc-
tion, diversified productive activities, and expanded their commercial practices come
to think about the world in very different terms. Such people may indicate that they
would much prefer to obtain more money than more land. They see their children
leaving the township upon reaching adulthood in order to find new markets and
new horizons. They are willing to try new economic ventures and take risks. Some peo-
ple also indicate that accumulation is something to strive for as long as there is a de-
gree of redistribution involved. In sum, many Mesoamericans now admit that
becoming wealthy is something to aspire to, but that it is also important to be gen-
erous and not greedy. In this context, by presenting themselves as protectors of rec-
iprocal community obligations, people facilitate the transition to a new ideological
framework while trying to protect themselves from the traditional charges of envy.
Studies have shown that the native peoples who espouse new economic ideolo-
gies tend to be those whose economic status is relatively high. Many of them are
heavily involved in commercial activities (as in western Guatemala) or in petty in-
dustrial production (as in Oaxaca, Mexico). Such people probably experience
changes in their economic practices, as well as in how they perceive and evaluate the
world around them. As these economic changes take place, other related cultural
changes occur. The worldview of the larger capitalist society not only becomes fa-
miliar but also is partially adopted. Native peoples transform themselves as they trans-
form the work they do and adjust to the changes going on around them. They
become agents in this process and key links to the larger economic system.
An interesting phenomenon occurring among large sectors of Mesoamerican
peoples, as well as nonindigenous people living in the region, is the high rate of con-
version from Catholicism to Protestantism. This may be one of the most notable cul-