significant in raising class consciousness, as in the case of Islamic funda-
mentalism in Iran and Algeria. Existing social and political structures, par-
ticularly property relations, are defined as exploitative and oppressive and
are challenged as such. The objective is an alternative form of society
(Shanin, 1982, p. 313; see also Migdal, 1974, p. 226).
Shanin reminds us that ‘every successful self-generated revolution for over
a century has taken place in a “developing society” ’, peasant revolt being cen-
tral to all of them (Shanin, 1982, pp. 319, 321; see also Dunn, 1972, p. 234).
The analysis of such events has been largely dominated by a search for the
conditions necessary for a peasant-based revolution. Historians and social sci-
entists have asked why these should occur in some societies and not others
which seem to be comparable in respect of the social and economic factors
whicha priorimight be thought likely to lead to revolution (Dunn, 1972,
p. 226; Goodwin and Skocpol, 1989). The search has thus been for the neces-
sary conditions associated with revolution in predominantly agrarian societies.
Shanin identifies four major characteristics of the processes preceding
the revolutions of the twentieth century:
(1) A major crisis causing severe dislocation of society and its day-to-day
functioning; (2) a major crisis of the governing élite, affecting its ability
to govern; (3) a crystallization of classes and subclasses expressed in
a sharp increase in self-identification, organization, and militancy along
class lines; and (4) an effective revolutionary organization providing
leadership in the political struggle. (1982, p. 313)
This categorization of the immediate preconditions leaves still to be
explained the reasons why the crises should occur and why classes should
become more militant. Goldstone et al. (1991) argue that state breakdown is
occasioned by fiscal crisis, conflict between élites and élite alienation (espe-
cially when social mobility is restricted), and widespread grievances leading
to popular support for change that can be mobilized against the regime. The
success of the revolutionary movement is dependent on the formation of a
coalition of professionals, white and blue collar workers, intellectuals and
students. For example, in Iran, the regime had built up excessive debts and
was unable to control inflation. The exclusion of the middle classes from
power, government corruption, and repression alienated the religious élite
and the merchant class. Population growth and urbanization outstripped eco-
nomic opportunities, making society receptive to mobilization by nationalis-
tic Islamic ideology. A coalition of traditional and Westernized élites led to
the demise of the Shah’s regime (Goldstone et al., 1991; Parsa, 2000).
The significance of crisis is affected by other features of the vulnerable
state. ‘Exclusive’ states which restrict political power to individuals and
Instability and Revolution 243