The ritual system, however, does not work without s ́raddha ̄(lit. “place the
heart,” Latincre ̄do ̄), the “confidence” in the efficacy of the ritual, i.e. its ability
to motivate counter-gifts and to lead to heaven (Köhler 1948/1973, Lüders
1924, Hara 1964, Hacker 1963.)
The ritual procedure thus represents an eternal cycle which functions within
the bounds ofR.ta. Various more or less abstract notions take part as well, e.g.
va ̄c,bráhman,s ́raddha ̄/manas,karman (action),anna,ucchis.t.a, many of which are
dealt with in the speculative hymns of the RV and AV and are in need of detailed
study.
Reciprocity is not confined to sentient beings but also found in the phenom-
enal world as a system of constant recycling: phenomena originating in heaven
(such as rain) come to earth and nourish and are even transformed into
other entities (such as plants and other living beings, semen, milk) that ulti-
mately make their way to heaven again (as offering). In this cycle nothing is
wasted or lost (Frauwallner 1953: 49, Schneider 1961, Bodewitz 1973: 243ff.),
a concept that contributed largely to the middle Vedic system of homologies and
correlations.
This mutual exchange is also seen in the social relations between men – e.g.
between a sponsor (yajama ̄na) and his priest or his poet. The poet bestows praise
on the patron, aids him in praising the gods, and expects material rewards in
return, as is clearly and detailedly expressed in the so-called da ̄nastutior “Praise
of the gift” of the RV. Similarly, the priests expect their daks.in.a ̄“priestly gift,”
whose extent and nature is mandated by the reciprocal system and by the nature
of the ritual in question. The daks.in.a ̄seems to be a “diversion” to the priest of
the original gift given to the departing guest (i.e. the gods!). For, the ritual system
of exchange is based on the formalized rules of (human) hospitality (Thieme
1957b) and of marriage, where reciprocity is seen in the function of Aryaman
as god of marriage who supervises guest friendship and the inherent exchange
of brides.
Other major features of the S ́rauta ritual include: there is no fixed place of
performance, no temple or permanent structure: the S ́rauta ritual is “portable,”
with a new sacrificial ground and with new, simple (archaic) wooden and clay
implements in each ritual. The ground is prepared by careful measurement and
demarcation (see S ́ulba Su ̄ tra, Michaels 1978) and the building of fire altars.
The central act of almost all Vedic rituals is the offering of various edible or
drinkable substances into these 3–5 (and in some rites even more) fires.
The ritual is sponsored by the yajama ̄naor “sacrificer” (lit. “one sacrificing on
his own behalf ”), who first has to become an a ̄hita ̄gni(one “having established
fires”), after studentship and marriage, and belonging to the three “Twice Born”
A ̄ryaclasses, (Bra ̄hman.a,Ks.atriya,Vais ́ya); only these thus could gain direct
access to heaven through S ́rauta ritual; the S ́u ̄drawere then and still are
excluded.
Ritual performance involves a number of priests (up to 16 or 17, divided into
four groups). These, and the four Vedas they represent, cooperate closely in the
performance of a particular S ́rauta sacrifice (“as in a violin quartet,” Caland
1990).
vedas and upanis.ads 79