38 Europe The Economist December 4th 2021
licans tried to add yet more amendments.
Mr Cruz and his allies are also blockingthe
appointment of several dozen foreign
policy officials, including the American
ambassadors to Germany, Israel and Egypt,
to increase the pressure on Mr Biden.
Many American lawmakers have op
posed ns2 since Gazprom, Russia’sstate
controlled gas giant, joined forces withfive
European energy firms in 2015 to buildit
alongside an existing pipeline underthe
Baltic Sea, at a cost of €9.5bn ($11bn).They
fret that the new pipeline, which doubles
Russia’s capacity to export gas to Germany,
will increase Europe’s dependence onRus
sian energy. They worry that it will deprive
Ukraine (and Poland) of transit fees of
about $2bn a year from the existingpipe
lines that pass through their territory,and
make it easier for Russia to cut suppliesof
winter gas to eastern Ukraine. And theyar
gue that the current infrastructure already
provides sufficient capacity for Europe’s
energy needs. American opposition tons 2
is further fuelled by Russia’s military
buildup on its border with Ukraine(see
previous article).
Germans argue that the pipelineisno
threat to Ukraine so long as what is known
as the “joint statement” is implemented.
This is an agreement Angela Merkel,the
outgoing chancellor, and Mr Biden struck
in July, in which Germany vowed totake
action, including imposing eu sanctions,
if Russia were to use energy as a weapon
against Ukraine. The statement also stipu
lates that Russia must honour its gastran
sit agreement with Ukraine and extendit
beyond 2024 by up to ten years. Germany
has appointed a special envoy to helpthe
renegotiation of the transit agreement.
Yet the pipeline has been hittingnew
problems. As well as the growing pressure
from Congress, in midNovember Ger
many’s energy regulator suspended the
certification process of the pipeline. Itsaid
that to secure an operating licence thens 2
consortium needed first to form a German
subsidiary under German companylaw,
which will introduce a delay.
Germany’s extensive coalition agree
ment does not directly mention ns2. It
says only that European energy law“ap
plies to energy projects in Germany”.An
nalena Baerbock, the cohead of the Green
Party who will soon be foreign minister,is
a vocal critic of the pipeline. Last month
she accused Russia of trying to blackmail
the German government into allowingns 2
to start pumping gas by keeping gas prices
high. Yet ultimately it will probablybeMr
Scholz who decides his government’s
stance on the pipeline. Leaders of hisSo
cial Democratic Party back the pipeline,
which they say enhances Europe’s energy
security. The pipeline still seems likelyto
go ahead, but a return to the harmonyof
the MerkelObama era is a long way off.n
Italy’snextpresident
Guess who?
O
peningtheirparliamentarymailbox
es last month, Italian lawmakers were
surprised to find an anthology of speeches
by Silvio Berlusconi. On the cover was a
photograph of the former prime minister,
his arms raised high to acknowledge the
adulation of an unseen crowd. The book
let, modestly entitled “I am Forza Italia”
(“Come on, Italy”, the party that Mr Berlus
coni founded and leads), was the opening
gambit in the 85yearold media mogul’s
undeclared campaign to crown his turbu
lent career with election, by a college of
parliamentarians, to Italy’s highest office.
The term of the incumbent president, Ser
gio Mattarella, expires on February 3rd,
and he has repeatedly ruled out an exten
sion. The race to succeed him is now dom
inating Italian public life.
Why? A president spends much of his
time making speeches, conferring hon
ours and receiving dignitaries. He (there
has never been a female president) has
some weighty powers, including responsi
bility for dissolving parliament and ap
pointing the prime minister. But those
powers are few. What makes the choice of a
president so important just now is that
those who are thought to covet the job in
clude the current prime minister, Mario
Draghi, the guarantor to Brussels and the
markets that Italy will spend productively
the €200bn ($225bn) it stands to get from
the eu’s pandemic recovery fund.
Whichever way the presidency goes
could create a problem. If Mr Draghi is seen
to fail in a bid to be chosen as the next oc
cupant of the Quirinale palace, his stand
ing will be diminished and thus his capac
ity to hold together the broad coalition of
parties that support him but whose only
common denominator is awestruck re
spect for him. If, however, he succeeds, a
replacement will need to be found who can
stop the heterogeneous coalition from fall
ing apart. And that will not be at all easy.
Either way, the odds on a snap election
will shorten, and if an early vote is held,
the polls currently suggest that the out
come would be a coalition government
dominated by two parties with a track re
cord of confrontation with the European
Commission: the Brothers of Italy party,
whose roots lie in neofascism, and the
populist Northern League. Within Italy, the
risks of that tend to be downplayed. Not so
elsewhere. Teneo, a consultancy, warned
recently that Mr Draghi’s elevation could
“plunge the country back into political tur
moil, undermining efforts to enact re
forms needed to secure regular instal
ments of recovery fund cash”.
Giorgia Meloni of the Brothers and Mat
teo Salvini of the League are both nominal
ly supportive of their ally, Mr Berlusconi.
But it is clear their interests actually lie in
ushering Mr Draghi upstairs. Whether he,
and they, will get their way is another mat
ter: a solution that allows Mr Draghi to stay
on as prime minister with minimal loss of
face may yet be found. Enrico Letta, the
leader of the centreleft Democratic Party,
which has risen to the top of the polls in re
cent weeks, wants Mr Draghi to stick
around. And recent utterances by leading
figures in the Five Star Movement, still the
biggest group in parliament despite its col
lapse in the polls since the previous elec
tion, suggest that they do, too.
Perhaps most important of all is the in
stinct for selfpreservation, both political
and financial, of Italy’s lawmakers. Be
cause of a reform in 2019, the next parlia
ment will have around twothirds the
number of seats of the current one. And if
the next election is held before September
24th, 2022, the firsttime parliamentarians
among them will lose their rights to a pen
sion. Not for nothing is Mr Berlusconi im
plying that, werehemade president, he
would ensure thelegislature ran to the end
of its term in 2023.n
R OME
Implausible though it seems, Silvio Berlusconi fancies himself for the highest job
More mayhem to make