THE POLITICS OF TOLERANCEcelebration of the liberation of Holland in 1945 and only six days before the general
elections, the Dutch were shocked to learn that the politician Pim Fortuyn had been killed
in Hilversum, the center of Dutch media activities. That same evening riots broke out in
The Hague near the parliament buildings, and the prime minister (who usually com-
muted by bicycle) had to be escorted to his home by police. The next day the widely read
populist newspaperThe Telegraphpublished a photo of the slain politician with his shoes
sticking out from under a white sheet. Emotions ran unusually high in the Netherlands,
and several leftist politicians received police protection after death threats, which came
mostly in the form of bullets in letters sent by the mail. These quickly became a token of
such political importance that some politicians took to mailing such letters and bullets to
themselves.^1 Fortuyn’s mansion in Rotterdam, with the kitsch name Palazzo di Pietro,
was flooded with flowers brought by growing numbers of people, not unlike the public
outpouring of grief at Princess Diana’s violent death. Thousands participated in a huge
procession in Rotterdam led by the mayor. The government, in consultation with For-
tuyn’s family and the party leaders of the List Pim Fortuyn (LPF), decided to go on with
the elections, which on May 15 produced an unprecedented loss for the ruling Labor
Party and a huge victory for the LPF. His friends brought Fortuyn’s ashes to his holiday
villa in Italy, and the Dutch were regaled with endless gossip about the men and women
financially backing Fortuyn’s party. These were mostly rich real-estate developers with a
somewhat shady reputation and a total lack of political savvy. It is perhaps relevant that
they had greatly benefited from the real-estate boom of the 1990s (when house prices rose
300 percent), and in this sense were close to the populist emotions that are intimately
related to real-estate prices. One of them, the developer Harry Mens, a personal friend of
Fortuyn, claimed to have a direct line to the leader in heaven. Since the LPF had to take
part in the government coalition, candidates for ministerial positions had to be found
overnight in an almost nonexistent, chaotic party that had centered completely on the
personal charisma of Fortuyn. This drama continued for half a year and ended with new
parliamentary elections that wiped out the LPF. While other societies have such fun all
the time, never in history, one may assume, had the Dutch been so entertained by their
politicians.
Indeed, one of the key elements behind Fortuyn’s incredibly fast rise in Dutch politics
was his mission of eliminating the tedium of Dutch politics. Within the space of one year,
his flamboyant media performances had gained him a huge following. He was a tall,
elegant man, a dandy whose choice of suits and ties was as important as his statements.
Fortuyn earned a handsome income as a public speaker and organizer of discussions at
large business meetings and had developed into a formidable public debater. Being gay
undoubtedly helped his public persona. The Dutch are not trained to be great public
speakers, and there is no tradition of debate in the political culture. Campy, extroverted
gay entertainers have become hugely popular in the Netherlands, whose population tends
to be reticent rather than eloquent.^2 ‘‘They say what everyone thinks,’’ is how such enter-
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