TheEconomistJuly 20th 2019 31
1
I
t is theopposite of election fever. On
July 21st Japan will go to the polls to vote
for 124 of 245 seats in the upper house,
where members sit for six years. Were it not
for the posters, the odd noisy campaign
van and occasional rallies outside train sta-
tions, few people would notice. The vote is
not the main topic of conversation in the
media nor in crowded cafés. Indeed, given
the lack of interest, some analysts fret that
turnout will dip below 50%.
There is little upheaval in Japan’s poli-
tics, but that does not make them healthy.
Turnout has long been falling for all age
groups (see chart on next page)—and the
decline may accelerate if the young remain
disengaged as they age. The lowering of the
voting age in 2016 from 20 to 18 seems to
have made little difference. Faith in the
system is faltering, too. In 2018 only 40% of
Japanese said they were happy with their
democracy, down by ten percentage points
from a year earlier, according to the Pew Re-
search Centre, an American think-tank.
The dearth of interest is not for lack of
pressing issues. Three topics are dominat-
ing the election. The first is a planned hike
in the consumption tax from 8% to 10%,
which is intended to slow the growth of Ja-
pan’s monstrous public debt (currently
around 250% of gdp), but which many
economists fear could cause the long-fal-
tering economy to stumble yet again. The
second is pensions. The government has
tried to disown, play down and deny the re-
cent finding of the Financial Services Agen-
cy, a regulator, that the average elderly cou-
ple will need to top up their public pension
by an eye-watering 20m yen ($185,000) to
maintain a reasonable standard of living.
The third is a proposed amendment to the
pacifist clause of the constitution to make
it clear that the Self-Defence Forces, Japan’s
army in all but name, is legal (the govern-
ment has abandoned the idea of scrapping
the clause altogether).
The amendment is the first item in the
manifesto of the ruling Liberal Democratic
Party (ldp), but polls suggest a majority of
voters oppose it. Nonetheless, the ldpis
likely to win handsomely. It has ruled for
all but a handful of the past 65 years. At the
moment, says Aurelia George Mulgan of
the University of New South Wales, there is
only “a weak desire to throw the bastards
out”. “It is practically a one-party state,”
says Hajime Yoshikawa of the Social Demo-
cratic Party.
A few, like Mieko Nakabayashi, a former
mp with the Democratic Party of Japan
(dpj), blame voters for not giving opposi-
tion parties a chance despite supporting
many of their policies. The dpj’s three-year
stint in power from 2009 to 2012 was “not
enough time to raise a baby”, she laments.
The dpj’s chaotic tenure made voters wary
of turning to the opposition—a reluctance
reinforced by nettlesome foreign-policy
problems that seem to demand experi-
enced hands, such as North Korea’s nuclear
programme, China’s military build-up and
American protectionism.
The law that restricts most forms of
campaigning to between 12 and 17 days, de-
Democracy in Japan
Yawning in the face of danger
TOKYO
A largely predictable election is a sign of a worrying political malaise
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