Encyclopedia of Sociology

DIVISION OF LABOR

All of the major sociological theorists consid-
ered the division of labor to be a fundamental
concept in understanding the development of mod-
ern society. The division of labor in society has
been a focus of theoretical debate for more than a
century, with some writers most concerned about
hierarchical divisions, or the vertical dimension,
and others emphasizing the heterogeneity or the
horizontal dimension, of a social system. The analy-
sis here is primarily theoretical, and so does not
deal with debates about the technical problems of
measurement (but see Baker 1981; Clemente 1972;
Gibbs and Poston 1975; Land 1970; Rushing and
Davies 1970).

THE DIVISION OF LABOR IN SMALL

GROUPS

Most small groups exhibit ‘‘role differentiation,’’
as first described by Simmel (1890), Whyte (1943),
and Bales and Slater (1955). The research on
informal work groups stresses a hierarchical form
of the division of labor, or the emergence of
leadership; in particular, the emergence of both a
‘‘task leader’’ and a ‘‘social leader.’’ It appears that
defining group goals and enforcing norms is a type
of activity incompatible with maintaining group
cohesion, and therefore most groups have a shared
leadership structure. Even in same-sex groups, this
structure of coleadership is apparent; also, the
degree of role differentiation appears be greater
in larger groups. The functional need for a social
leader depends in part on the degree to which
group members are task oriented, and on the
degree to which the task leader is perceived as a
legitimate authority (with the power to reward and
punish other group members). Burke (1969) has
also noted that a ‘‘scapegoat’’ role may emerge
within task groups, reducing the need for a social
leader to maintain harmony among the rest of the
group members.

HOUSEHOLD AND FAMILY DIVISION

OF LABOR

When the family or household is the unit of analy-
sis, issues concerning the division of tasks between
spouses are of primary interest to sociologists.
One major finding has been the persistence of
disproportionately high levels of traditional house-
work by the wife, even when she is employed

outside the home. This reflects the ‘‘provider’’ vs.

‘‘homemaker’’ role distinction that formerly char-

acterized most nuclear families in industrialized

societies. Another major family role, occupied

almost exclusively by the wife, is that of ‘‘kinkeeper.’’

The maintenance of family traditions, the record-

ing of important family anniversaries, and the

coordination of visits between households are all

vital elements of this role. The classic works by

Bott (1957) and Blood and Wolfe (1960) docu-

mented the spousal division of labor as it was

influenced by wider social networks and the rela-

tive power of the husband and wife. Kamo (1988)

has noted that cultural ideology is a strong factor

in the determination of spousal roles, although it

is not entirely independent of the resources avail-

able to husband and wife.

Within a household, both age and sex struc-

ture the division of labor. Young children have few

responsibilities, while parents have many, and males

and females tend to do very different tasks. For

example, White and Brinkerhoff (1981) studied

the reported allocation of a variety of household

tasks among a sample of Nebraska households,

and found that the youngest cohort of children

(aged two to five) performed relatively few house-

hold tasks and showed little differentiation by sex.

Older children, however, diverged considerably in

their roles (males doing more outdoor work, fe-

males more responsible for cooking or childcare).

At the other end of the lifespan, the roles of the

grandparent generation were strongly influenced

by geographical proximity, the ages of the grand-

parents, and the ages of the children. Divorce

among the parental generation can also substan-

tially impact the roles adopted by grandparents

(see Bengston and Robertson 1985).

FORMAL ORGANIZATIONS AND

OCCUPATIONAL SPECIALIZATION

Formal organizations are always structured by an

explicit division of labor (an organization chart

contains the names of functions, positions, or

subunits). The horizontal differentiation in an

organization, or task specialization, is normally

based on functional units that are of roughly equiva-

lent levels in the hierarchy of authority. The divi-

sion of labor may also be constructed on a geo-

graphical basis, with the extreme examples being