The Economist January 8th 2022 United States 23theiremergencyroomsbecauseofstaffing
andbedshortages,saysMartinStallone,
ceoofCayuga MedicalCentreinIthaca,
NewYork.Thenewcdcguidanceallows
critical healthcare workers to return
sooner(thoughCayugaMedicalisstillrec
ommendinga 10to14dayisolation).
Shortages are affecting other indus
tries,too.Airlineshadtocancelthousands
offlights,oftenbecauseoflackofstaff.Ac
cordingto thecdc, infectedpeople are
mostcontagiousonetotwodaysbefore
theonsetofsymptomsandtwotothree
daysafter.Afivedayisolation,plusfive
daysofmasking,letsworkersreturnmore
quickly,minimisingdisruption.
Afternearlytwoyearsofprioritisingin
dividual riskmitigationover social dis
ruption,Americanhealthexpertsarebe
ginningtolightenup.“Thisisa verydiffer
entvirusthantheonethatwesawearlier
oninthepandemic,”explainsLeanaWen,
a formerhealth commissioner of Balti
more.“Therisktomost[vaccinated]indi
vidualsrightnowofOmicronisverylow.
TheriskthatOmicroniscausingsocietyin
termsofwidespreaddysfunctionisvery
high.”Thepandemicseemstohavehita
turningpoint.nElectoraladministrationWho counts wins
F
ormuchofthepastyear,Democratsin
Congress have fitfully and unsuccess
fully pushed various bits of votingrights
legislation. Whatever the merits of these
bills, they are an odd first response to the
insurrection of January 6th 2021. Record
numbers of Americans voted in 2020. Long
queues and pandemicdriven confusion
notwithstanding, the problem was not ac
cess to the ballot, it was the attempted chi
canery with the counting. The Electoral
Count Act of 1887 (eca), which tries to set
guidelines for how Congress settles dis
puted results in presidential elections, is
vague, confusing, possibly unconstitu
tional—and ripe for reform.
To understand what the eca does, it
helps to understand America’s byzantine
method of electing a chief executive. When
Americans cast a vote for president, they
are actually voting for a slate of electors
who will themselves vote for that candi
date at the electoralcollege meeting. Arti
cle II of the constitution explains that each
state gets the same number of electors as it
has members of the House and Senate, that
states send certified election results toCongress, and that in a full joint session of
Congress the president of the Senate (who
is also the vicepresident) will “open all the
Certificates, and the Votes shall then be
counted”. If no candidate reaches a majori
ty of electoralcollege votes, then the
House chooses the president, with each
state’s delegation getting a single vote.
The ecawas intended to be a guide for
resolving disputes. It permits legislators to
formally object to individual results or en
tire states’ slates, provided each objection
is signed by at least one senator and repre
sentative. If majorities in both chambers
uphold the objection, the votes in question
are not counted. It also establishes a “safe
harbour” deadline, establishing that as
long as states resolve any disputed results
at least six days before the electoral college
votes, then those results are “conclusive”
and Congress must count them.
But the ecaleaves much uncertain, in
cluding the grounds on which members of
Congress can object, the role of courts in
settling disputes and whether the vice
president has any discretion in the vote
counting process. Worse, it lets Congress
reject valid votes. All that has to happen is
for states to provide competing slates of
electors (as urged by John Eastman, a law
yer advising Donald Trump in the denoue
ment of the 2020 election) and for a major
ity of both chambers of Congress to back
the alternative slates. Congress, rather
than the American people, could thus se
lect the president. The constitution’s cre
ators rejected letting the legislature select
the executive—but if Republicans control
both chambers of Congress in 2024, as well
as the governorships of enough crucial
swing states, and a scenario similar to
2020 emerges again, it would be unwise to
rely on principle and fealty to the founders
prevailing over bareknuckled realpolitik.
Many on the right are also concerned
about ecaabuse. If Republicans can vote to
reject results they dislike over unfounded
allegations of fraud, Democrats could in
theory do the same over concerns about ra
cially biased election practices. Some lib
ertarianminded legal scholars argue that
the ecaitself—specifically, the provisions
that allow Congress to reject slates of vot
ers—is unconstitutional, because Article II
provides no mechanism for rejection.
By allowing federal legislators to im
pose their preferences, the ecaweakens
state control over elections, which Repub
licans have traditionally defended. In 2020
Marco Rubio, a Republican senator from
Florida, proposed extending the eca’s safe
harbour deadline. John Thune and Mitch
McConnell, the top two Republican sena
tors, have expressed openness to reform
ing the eca. Some Democrats see this offer
as a ruse to weaken support for voting
rights, which itmaybe—but one with a
worthwhile result.nN EW YORK
Reforming the Electoral Count Act
would help prevent another revoltMedicaleducationandgenderIdentity problems
G
ender dysphoria, the often agonising
feeling that one has been born in the
wrong body, is listed in the American Psy
chiatric Association’s “Diagnostic and Sta
tistical Manual of Mental Disorders”. So
Katherine (not her real name) was sur
prised, in her first week at Louisiana State
University School of Medicine, when a lec
turer told a class that gender dysphoria was
not a mental illness. It suggested that gen
deridentity ideology, which holds that
transgender women are women and trans
men are men, had influenced some of
those who were training her to be a doctor.
More evidence followed. An endocri
nologist told a class that females on testos
terone had a similar risk of heart attack to
males (they have a much higher risk). De
bate about all this was apparently offlim
its. How has trans ideology made its way
into medical schools?
Professional bodies, including the
American Academy of Paediatrics, have en
dorsed “genderaffirmative” care, which
accepts patients’ selfdiagnosis that they
are trans. This can mean the prescription
of puberty blockers for children as young
as nine. Trans medicine is not a core part of
medical schools’ curriculums. But an aca
demic paediatrician (who did not want her
name, institution or state to appear in this
story) says that all medical students under
stand that they are expected to follow the
affirmation model “uncritically and un
questioningly”. For most doctors that will
mean referring a patient to a gender clinic,
some of which prescribe blockers or crossWASHINGTON, DC
Trans ideology is distorting the
training of doctors