The Economist January 8th 2022 Europe 45F
orcenturiesthemainwaytoGali
cia,Spain’snorthwesterncorner,was
onfoot,onthepilgrims’trailtoSantiago
deCompostela.Poorroadsmeantthat,
untila decadeortwoago,thedrivefrom
Madridtookninehours.Recentim
provementshavecutthetriptotheclos
estGaliciancity,Ourense,toaboutfive.
Nowthejourneycanbemadeintwo
hoursand 15 minutesthankstoGalicia’s
firstconnectionwithSpain’senviable
highspeedrailwaynetwork.Nextyear
thelineshouldbeextendedtoSantiago,
theregionalcapital,andA Coruña,its
biggestcity.“Cinderellacannowtravelin
a biggerandmorecomfortablecar,”said
Ourense’smayor,GonzaloPérezJácome,
usinghisnicknameforhiscity,whichhe
saysistreatedlikeanunlovedstepchild.
Noonewantstobeleftoutofthesys
tem—Spainhasthebiggesthighspeed
railnetworkintheworldafterChina’s—buthedoubtsthatthenewextensionwill
bringdramaticchanges.
Spaniardshavelongbeenleaving
poorerruralareasforbetteropportuni
tiesinrichercities.Politiciansinrural
areaslamentthis.Butit isnotobvious
thatpriceyinfrastructurewilldomuch
tocurbit.MrJácomenotesthatZamora,
untilrecentlythehighspeedtrains’last
stopenroute toGalicia,hasgainedweek
endtouristsbutcontinuedtolosepop
ulationsincetheirarrivalin2015.
Inanycase,Galiciahasbeendoing
well.Itwasoncea bywordforisolation
andpoverty,“theendoftheworld”,asthe
nameofitswesternmostpoint,Cape
Finisterre,indicates.SomanyGalicians
emigratedthatgallegoisstillsynony
mouswith“Spaniard”inpartsofLatin
America.Butgdpperperson,66%ofthe
nationalaveragein1955,isnow92%ofit.
ÁngeldelaFuenteoffedea, aneconom
icthinktank,pointstofishprocessing,
carmakingandclothing(Inditex,the
parentcompanyofZaraandother
brands,isbasedthere)andreasonably
businessfriendlypolitics,thoughhe
saysa singlecauseofitscatchupishard
toidentify.
AnotherfixforSpain’sregionaldis
paritieshasbeenproposedbytheSocial
istlednationalgovernment:opening
newstatebodiesoutsidethecapital.
ManybigwigsintheconservativePeo
ple’sParty(pp) saythiswouldbepoint
less.Galicia’sleader,thepp’s moderate
AlbertoNuñezFeijóo,hasa warmer
reaction,notingthatit makeslittlesense
toputthecountry’sInstituteofOceanog
raphyinlandlockedMadrid.Once,peo
plewouldhavesaidthesameabout
puttingworldconqueringcompanies
andultramoderntrainsinGalicia.ThetraininSpainTo the endof the earth
OURENSE
Spain’shighspeednetworkreachesfaroffGaliciaEndofthelineItaly’spresidencyDecision time
for Draghi
I
talianpresidentialelectionscustom
arily have more twists and implausible
turns than a Verdi opera. Voting in the lat
est—to replace President Sergio Mattarel
la—is to begin on January 24th. Over the
coming weeks party leaders can be expect
ed to trade bluff and counterbluff, leaking
the names of candidates whose chances
they are in fact content to sacrifice while
keeping secret until the last moment the
identity of the one they really favour.
The outcome matters: Italian presi
dents have the power to dissolve parlia
ments and name prime ministers. They al
so hold office for an unusually long time:
seven years, during which they acquire a
moral authority that can constrain the ac
tions of the government.
This time, the choice may seem obvi
ous. The prime minister, Mario Draghi, a
former president of the European Central
Bank, is internationally respected. He is
free of party allegiance and heads a cabinet
spanning the political arc from hard right
to radical left. It would seem logical for this
broad coalition to unite in his support.
Yet he faces an uphill struggle. Ironical
ly, the only major party to have consistent
ly, if surreptitiously, backed Mr Draghi’s el
evation is the only one that has consistent
ly criticised his performance. The hard
right Brothers of Italy (fdi), led by Giorgia
Meloni, chose not to join Mr Draghi’s co
alition last year. Ms Meloni’s party is no
tionally allied to the populist Northern
League, headed by Matteo Salvini, and the
centreright Forza Italia party, led by the
85yearold Silvio Berlusconi who, without
actually declaring his availability, has indi
cated that he too wants the presidency.
Ms Meloni has had no choice but to of
fer Mr Berlusconi public support. But, un
like Mr Salvini’s, hers has seemed distinct
ly lukewarm. Were Mr Draghi to get the job
instead, it would end his government and
perhaps prompt an early election. That
would suit the fdi, riding high in the polls,
and particularly Ms Meloni, who on pre
sent form would emerge as leader of the
biggest party on the right, and prime min
ister should the right secure a majority as
the polls currently suggest.
Enrico Letta, leader of the centreleft
Democratic Party (pd), currently levelpeg
ging the fdiin the polls, initially wanted
Mr Draghi to remain prime minister until
the next general election, due in 2023. But
Mr Letta is said no longer to rule out backing his becoming president. The overrid
ing priority for the pd is to ensure that the
present coalition remains intact until the
vote—not least to prevent the League,
whose leader, Mr Salvini, has long been un
easy with the arrangement, from slipping
away. The radical right could be an even
more formidable force if it came into an
electoral campaign after a year or more un
ited in opposition.
Which is where Mr Berlusconi—or rath
er, his allies’ support for him—becomes a
problem. As Mr Draghi mused on Decem
ber 22nd, it is unlikely that a coalition that
had fallen out over the presidency could
magically reunite to govern the country.But a joint candidate can only be agreed to
in talks, and Mr Letta is refusing to negoti
ate with Mr Salvini until he rules out Mr
Berlusconi. Italy’s longest serving republi
can prime minister he may be, but Mr Ber
lusconi is also a convicted tax fraudster
and the erstwhile host of the notorious
“Bunga Bunga” parties. Opposition to him
is even stronger in the antigraft Five Star
Movement than in the pd. On January 3rd
the Movement’s senators voted to try to
square the circle by imploring Mr Mattarel
la to stay on until the next election. That is
a solution the president has repeatedlydis
missed. But it would offer a widely accept
able route out of a dangerous impasse.nR OME
A turbulent few weeks in Italian
politics begins