Religion and the New Immigrants 233
United States, following the model of the majority Protestant/Catholic faiths (Warner
1994, 1998). The congregational model has the following characteristics: (a) a formal
list or roster of members; (b) who elect a local governing body, composed of lay mem-
bers, that makes policy for and administers the affairs of the institution; (c) committees/
ministries composed of lay members who conduct the work of the institution; (d) clergy
who are selected by the local organization; and (e) a financial structure whereby most
of its operating funds are raised from its own local members (Ebaugh and Chafetz
2000c). Congregationalism was the primary organizational form established by earlier
eighteenth- and nineteenth-century immigrants. Even though some of the earlier im-
migrant groups came from countries that were dominated by state religions (e.g., Italy,
England, Russia) and/or powerful clergy (e.g., Ireland), many of these groups became
more lay dominated and congregational as they adjusted to the American religious
landscape. In fact, some historians (Dolan 1985; Jones 1992; Wyman 1993) describe the
displeasure felt by religious leaders in home countries regarding the “Americanization”
(i.e., lack of respect for the authority of the official clergy) of immigrant churches in
the United States.
Although the congregationalism of American churches was often more pronounced
than those in Europe, the model was not totally foreign to most immigrant groups
who were at least somewhat familiar with characteristics such as membership rosters,
lay committees, and lay involvement with the selection of clergy. For many of today’s
immigrants, especially non-Christians, congregationalism represents a new and unfa-
miliar way of organizing a religious institution. Most Asian Buddhists, for example,
were not used to maintaining lists of members, having strong lay control of temple
matters or operating on the basis of lay committees. The fact that most immigrant
groups tend to establish congregational structures in this country is a testimony to
their adoption of the established congregational model (Numrich 1996; Kurien 1998;
Zhou and Bankston III 1998; Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000c).
Along with structures for worship and administering the religious institution, im-
migrant congregations tend to expand their facilities to include community centers
where they can socialize and provide education, recreation, and other activities for
themselves and their children. Such centers are usually unnecessary in home coun-
tries, where the religion may be the majority one, in some cases state supported. In
the United States, however, where they are often minority religions (Yang and Ebaugh
2001), community centers provide space for socializing among fellow ethnics, reinforc-
ing religioethnic identity, and a place where needed secular services such as medical
and legal help, information, GED and citizenship classes, and emergency services are
provided.
Conflict and Segregation within Multiethnic Congregations
Whereas many immigrants join ethnic congregations in the United States, others be-
come members of existing congregations that have members from more than one im-
migrant/ethnic group. Multiethnic congregations face a number of challenges in their
efforts to create unity, and to discourage discord, among the ethnic/nationality groups.
Among the major challenges that they face are issues related to: Language usage, incor-
poration of ethnic customs, and participation in the administration of congregational
affairs.