234 Helen Rose Ebaugh
Language usage in immigrant congregations is often a highly contested issue and
one that poses dilemmas for the clerical and lay leaders responsible for congregational
policy (Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000a). On the one hand, the use of an old-country lan-
guage enhances a sense of commitment and comfort for immigrants while, on the other
hand, differences in native language, and in dialects of the same language, often con-
stitute the bases for segregation among congregational members and, not infrequently,
for intergenerational strains and tensions. A major issue revolves around the language
used in worship services. While some religious traditions, such as the Greek Orthodox,
Zoroastrians, Hindus, and Muslims, require that worship services be conducted in a
holy language, others, such as Christian churches and many Buddhist temples, allow
for vernacular languages. Which native language is to be used, however, when multi-
ple ethnic groups are involved? The use of native language at different worship services
often creates “parallel congregations” (Numrich 1996) rather than one congregation.
Even in instances where English is the language used for formal worship services, there
is a strong tendency for native language speakers to self-segregate at social and other
informal occasions held at the religious site.
The incorporation of ethnic customs in the formal and informal activities of a con-
gregation is another strategy to be broadly inclusive and to make immigrants feel com-
fortable in the religious setting. For example, the display of icons, statues, or pictures of
patron saints or religious figures from home countries creates a sense of ethnic identity
and comfort for immigrants, as does the use of native music, food, and dress. However,
emphasis on ethnic differences in multiethnic congregations also has the potential for
ethnic segregation and the alienation of members who are uncomfortable with such
customs.
Ethnic representation among clerical leaders, on administrative boards, and in the
lay leadership who direct the major ministries of the congregation is also a major
challenge, especially in congregations that have existed and been run by Anglos for
a long time. The acceptance of “new immigrants” into these positions indicates that
these newcomers are not just guests who benefit from being in the congregation but are
part of the decision makers who are creating the future of the congregation, a fact that
is often difficult to accept on the part of old-timers who may have built and sustained
the congregation for generations.
The Second Generation
Because religious and ethnic identities are often closely intertwined, immigrants look
to religious institutions as the place to reinforce and pass on the native language and
ethnic values, traditions, and customs to the next generation. The symbols, stories,
rituals, and native language that are part of immigrant religions often provide the
context within which parents hope that their native culture will become that of their
children. While many parents are grateful for the opportunities provided in this country
for their offspring to achieve educationally and occupationally, they also worry about
the influence of what they define as “amoral” American society on them (Kurien 1998;
Sullivan 1998). They hope that their children will be protected against these influences
by associating with fellow ethnics in religious settings.
Beyond childhood and the ethnoreligious classes in which youngsters are involved
in their religious institutions, teenagers and young adults are infrequently present in