The Economist January 15th 2022 United States 21Democratsareaccustomedtofeel-
ingsofdespairabouttheincreas-
inglyconservativeSupremeCourt.Butin
thelowercourtsPresidentJoeBidenand
SenateDemocratshavewastednotime
fillingthefederalbench.The 40 judges
confirmedsofararethemostatthis
pointina president’sfirsttermsince
RonaldReagan,andmorethandouble
themarksetbyDonaldTrumpinhisfirst
year.MrTrumpfilledthejudiciarywith
young,conservativejudges,confirming
almostasmanytotheappealscourtsin
hisonetermasBarackObamamanaged
intwo.MrBidenisreshapingthejudicia-
ryina moreprogressivedirection.
Thishasdependedoncloseco-oper-
ationwiththeparty’sleaderintheSen-
ate,ChuckSchumer.Alongwithanambi-
tiouslegislativeagenda,MrSchumerhas
prioritisedpreciousvotingtimeonthe
Senatefloorforjudicialappointments—
oftenattheexpenseofconfirmingexec-
utive-branchofficials.A focusoncourt
vacanciesinstatesrepresentedbySenate
Democratshasensuredfewerobjections
fromRepublicansincommittee.
MrBidenhasalsoelevateda farmore
diverserangeofjudgesthanhisprede-
cessors.Hehasalreadypromotedmore
blackwomentothefederalappellate
courtsthananyotherpresident—after
MrTrumpdidnotappointa singleblack
judgefora federalappealscourt,thefirst
full-termpresidentnottodososince
RichardNixon.Fully80%oftheappoint-
edjudgesconfirmedarewomen.Re-
searchsuggeststhatsuchgenderand
racialdiversityislikelytoleadtodiffer-
entjudgmentsonaffirmativeaction,
workplacediscriminationandmore.
Thejudges’backgroundsalsomarka
breakwiththepast.Fordecades,the
surestpathtobecominga federaljudge
wastofirstbea prosecutorora partnerat
amajorlawfirm.MrBiden’sappoint-
mentshaveincludedmorepublicde-
fendersthanthoseappointedinthefirst
yearsofhisfourimmediatepredecessorscombined.Justoneconfirmedcircuit-
courtjudgeisa formerprosecutor.
Thisreflectstheturnamongrank-
and-fileDemocratstowardsa more
lenientstanceoncrimeinrecentyears,
anda beliefthatjudgeshavebeentoo
friendlytoprosecutors.Publicdefend-
ers,theyhope,willbringa different
perspective.“Havingsomebodywhohas
foryearsstoodside-by-sidewithpeople
whoareoftentimesintheworstmo-
mentsoftheirlives,that’sanexperience
noteveryonecanbringtothebench,”
arguesGeoffBurkhartoftheNational
AssociationforPublicDefence.
WithelectionsloominginNovember,
anda possiblelossofcontrolinthe
Senate,timeisnotinDemocrats’favour.
JohnCollinsofGeorgeWashington
UniversitysuggestsMrBiden,himselfa
formerchairoftheSenateJudiciary
Committee,iskeenlyawarethatthose
appointedtodaywillshapethelawfor
yearsafterheleavesoffice.A judgeinher
30scanbeexpectedtoserveforovertwo
decadesbeforeretiring.Unlikehisrecent
predecessors,however,MrBidenhasyet
tosecuretheultimateprize:theappoint-
mentofa SupremeCourtjustice.Biden’sjudgesFilling the courtsWASHINGTON,DC
MorediverseappointmentsaresettoreshapeAmerica’sjudiciarySchumerina hurrysenators. Between them Josh Hawley of
Missouri, Marco Rubio of Florida and,
above all, Ted Cruz of Texas have delayed or
blocked dozens of nominations, whether
to posture or to extract concessions on va-
rious foreign-policy demands. Democrats
can force confirmations by a full vote in
the Senate, but that takes up scarce floor
time when they have domestic priorities,
such as appointing judges (see box).
It is hard to assess how much damage is
being done by the diplomatic vacancies.
Much business is conducted directly be-
tween foreign ministers or leaders. Other
officials can take up the work. But however
professional, a chargé d’affaires running
an embassy often lacks the clout that
comes with being the president’s chosen
ambassador, endorsed by the Senate. It is
possible that some foul-ups, such as thefailure to tell France last summer about the
us-British deal to provide nuclear-po-
wered submarines to Australia, pushing
out a French contractor, was thanks to poor
co-ordination resulting from the absence
of senior appointees.
A bipartisan investigation into the ter-
rorist attacks of September 11th 2001 found
that delays in appointing key personnel to
national-security positions had contribut-
ed to America’s failure to prevent them. At
the time just over half of the most impor-
tant national-security personnel were in
place. Two decades on, the ppsreckons, Mr
Biden had just over a third of the equiva-
lent staff in their jobs.
In many countries, the prolonged dip-
lomatic vacancies are an irritant, or a
slight. They feed the perception of Ameri-
ca’s withdrawal, if not decline. Mr Biden’s
failure even to name an envoy to Ukraine
reinforces its worry of being kept at arm’s
length. Perhaps Vladimir Putin has read
matters similarly. The Biden team wants to
signal that he has not forsaken Ukraine, or
the security of Europe. But without ambas-
sadors his reassurance is harder to con-
vey—and may sound less convincing. nSchools outClasses cancelledGiven theway the fight had been pro-
ceeding, it ended in a whimper. On Jan-
uary 10th a stand-off between Chicago’s
teachers’ union and its mayor, Lori Light-
foot, escalated to personal insults. Jesse
Sharkey, the union’s president, called Ms
Lightfoot “relentlessly stupid”. She re-
sponded by calling him a “privileged,
clouted white guy”. Hours later, the teach-
ers agreed to go back to work, bringing to
an end a nearly weeklong strike over co-
vid-19 safety fears. The city stuck to its
terms, but agreed to increase testing and
supply more kn95 masks.
Across America, more than 5,000 pub-
lic schools, about 5% of the total, switched
to remote learning for one or more days
during the first week of January due to co-
vid-19. It is a controversial call. The case for
cancelling in-person learning was stronger
early in the pandemic. “We didn’t know
what we didn’t know,” says Michael Hino-
josa, superintendent of the Dallas Inde-
pendent School District in Texas, whose
schools are now open for in-person learn-
ing. Without a vaccine and consistent miti-
gation measures, teachers and pupils were
at risk. But prioritising health over educa-C HICAGO AND WASHINGTON, DC
Many schools are closed to in-person
learning, against pupils’ best interests