Encyclopedia of Society and Culture in the Ancient World

(Sean Pound) #1
had the possibility of moving up in the administrative ranks
to offi ces of responsibility. Th is was one of the avenues of up-
ward mobility for those not born to rank.
Coinage as it is known today did not exist in ancient
Egypt until very late in its history. Weights and measures
were standardized, and some metals, such as gold and silver
in bars and rings, were used as one medium of exchange. Far
more common was a system of barter. Th e basis of this trade
was generally wheat so that workmen who were paid in wheat
could make bread from part of it and exchange the rest for
other needs. Th erefore the chief measure of wealth was land
and other possessions rather than some bankable instrument
of exchange.
Much of the information about the material display of
wealth comes from the tombs. Th is evidence is either in the
form of the actual objects preserved for the use of the spirit in
the next life or represented in wall paintings, relief carvings,
or models. Lists of estates owned by the deceased with their
locations occur as part of the off erings depicted in the tomb.
Models of activities to benefi t the spirit suggest the wealth
necessary to provide the services of the craft speople depicted
in the models. In one case, the grave of a mayor of Th ebes, 15
model boats were included, giving some indication that a per-
son of his rank would be well equipped for travel on the Nile.
One additional measure of wealth, in life and in the tomb,
was the possession of large quantities of cloth. Th is could be
in the form of garments or simple sheets. In the Old King-
dom there are a small number of off ering reliefs that include
a “linen list” detailing great quantities of linen cloth of dif-
ferent types and quality. In some tombs piles of folded linen
have been found, giving added evidence of the use of cloth as
an indication of affl uence.
Craft smen—sculptors, painters, and furniture and jew-
elry makers—were generally in the service of the state or the
religious establishment. Th ey enjoyed regular employment
and income and were able to pass their craft occupations on
to their sons. Where it was possible or desirable, they lived
together in a community of others who were similarly em-
ployed. Deir el-Medina on the West Bank at Luxor was in-
habited by the workers who made and decorated the tombs
in the Valley of the Kings. It is the best example of a village
especially intended for workers and craft smen. As such, exca-
vations there have produced a great deal of information about
the organization of this specialized labor, the worker’s family
relationships, and their day-to-day activities.

NUCLEAR FAMILY, WOMEN, AND MARRIAGE


Th e basic nuclear family was the most important societal
unit in ancient Egypt. Th e ancient Egyptians were especially
proud of family and lineage. Th e family was a close-knit
group of father, mother, and children not usually extended
to a larger organization such as a clan. Inscriptions on statues
of individuals oft en give parentage and sometimes grand-
parentage with details about the rank and title of these fore-
bears. However, a modern understanding of the relationship

within the family is complicated because the same words in
the Egyptian language were used to designate diff erent mem-
bers of the family. Th e word for brother could also be used to
identify the husband, just as sister could also designate a wife.
Father could easily mean a grandfather or an ancestor. Teach-
ers were also sometimes called “father” and coworkers might
be termed “brother,” not signifying an actual relationship
but another close affi liation or other bond. Th is somewhat
ambiguous use of language caused earlier scholars to believe
that there was a general tradition of brother-sister marriage
in Egypt, but this was not the case and can rarely be proved.
Th is confusion of language still occasionally leads to diffi cul-
ties in clearly understanding of family structure.
Th ere were exceptions to the general rules against
brother-sister marriage, however. Kings sometimes did
marry their sisters, and marriage with their daughters is also
attested, but this was rare and had to do with providing an
heir of royal blood. Likewise, only royalty enjoyed the custom
of multiple wives, though commoners could have concubines
as well as a wife.
Adulthood was considered to begin for women at the
start of menses and for men with circumcision, performed
in adolescence. For the most part, daughters lived with the
family until marriage, but it was possible for sons to join
others of their age group and live outside the family home.
Newlywed couples might live for a time with either partner’s
parents, but generally this was not considered an ideal ar-
rangement. Marriage usually took place when the man had
the means to establish his own separate household. Un-
married, divorced, or otherwise single female members of
the family, such as widowed mothers, divorced sisters, or
maiden aunts, might live with their sons, nephews, or other
close male relatives. For reasons not completely clear, two
households could be joined so that two families shared liv-
ing arrangements. Th is kind of extended family, though it
was not the norm, was not unusual.
Since the family was a close-knit group, its members
might be held responsible for the actions of one another. Th is
meant that punishment might be applied for a crime com-
mitted by one to others or that family members could be held
hostage to ensure the loyalty of others. It also meant that heirs
could be forced to make good the debts of deceased family
members. Th e obligations of family membership extended
not only to resolving the matters of inheritance but also to
securing the proper burial rites for the dead. One of the most
important obligations an Egyptian had was to provide par-
ents with the guarantees of continued life aft er death. Th is
included not only the traditional preparation of the corpse
(mummifi cation) and the tomb or burial place but also the
maintenance of continued rites and off erings for the spirit of
the deceased.
Even though the importance of the family in Egyptian
society is clear, no evidence for a formal marriage ceremony
is known, and there is also no evidence that government re-
cords were registered or kept. Marriage can be characterized

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