as a social contract, not a legal one. It is also not clear how
matches were arranged or how partners were chosen. Some
marriages were arranged by parents, but there is no strong
indication that the arrangement could be forced on the par-
ticipants. Marriage was essentially a private aff air, to which
the husband and wife both agreed. Both members brought
property to the union, and it was possible for the wife to
maintain title to her portion. Divorce was possible, and the
penalties were carefully spelled out, at least there is evidence
that this was regularized in the later centuries of Egyptian
history. Even though society in Egypt was clearly male domi-
nated, women held a position unequaled in any other ancient
culture. Women could own property and slaves, could man-
age their own aff airs to a certain extent, and were even able to
institute legal suits. Th ey could also conduct businesses and
engage in trade. Th e weaving of cloth was just one example
of a home-based industry carried out by women for profi t.
Women also had a part in the temple cults, but those respon-
sibilities were generally limited. Th ere are some records of
women with the title “priestess” in the service of a god, but
generally the title found is “chantress” or ritual singer, at-
tached to a particular temple.VOCATIONS, EDUCATION, AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
Craft speople in Egypt enjoyed occupations that were rela-
tively secure and respected. Since coinage did not exist until
late in Egyptian history, they were paid in grain and some-
times cloth or other products that could be used for barter for
other necessities. On the level of the trades and craft s there is
a clear gender division. Women are seen in representations
of spinning and weaving, in the textile craft s. Occasionally
they were also employed as potters, but sculptors, painters,
carpenters, boatwrights, chariot makers, metalworkers, and
jewelers are almost exclusively male.
Th e priesthood in Egypt was not an exclusive vocation as
it is in many other cultures and in modern religious institu-
tions. Th e position of priest was a rotating one, where an indi-
vidual would serve for a prescribed length of time, continue to
occupy his secular positions, or return to his other duties af-
ter his service was fi nished. Priests could also serve in several
diff erent capacities, devoted to diff erent deities, at the same
time. It was only with the growth of the power of the priest-
hoods in the New Kingdom that the temples became impor-
tant economic powers, owning vast tracts of farmland and
collecting the income from estates. With this added infl uence
the higher levels of the clergy became managers similar to the
executives of large corporations. Th e career of Nebwenenef,
high priest of the god Amun in the early years of the reign of
Ramses illustrates both service in multiple cults and concur-
rent civil duties. He ser ved as high priest in the cult of the god
Anhur and the goddess Hathor, Lady of Dendera, before be-
ing appointed to the priesthood of Amun. His several secular
titles included “overseer of the Double House of gold and sil-
ver” (the treasury) and “chief of all the craft smen of Th ebes.”
He exemplifi ed the ability of individuals to occupy the toplevels of power and infl uence in Egyptian society in both the
religious and governmental spheres.
In a society that had an estimated literacy rate of 1 to 5
percent, the training to acquire the ability to read and write
was very important, especially where a premium was put on
record keeping. Scribes were vital to every aspect of life, from
the simplest duties of letter writing and keeping accounts to
the greater responsibilities of serving as administrator, emis-
sary, or ambassador. Scribes were held in high esteem, and
the initial training was sought aft er by bright and able young
people. It was mainly the children of the elite who were able
to study to be scribes, but there are examples of students from
the lower classes fi nding access to scribal schools. Th e sub-
ject matter was essentially designed to prepare students for
practical applications and consisted of the basics of reading,
writing, and applied mathematics. Th e scribes’ education
took place in the palace or temple precincts, and its method
consisted essentially of repetition and rote learning, which
included the copying of classic texts. Many of the important
literary texts that have been preserved, oft en in several ver-
sions, were copied by apprentice scribes.
Th ere is a preserved document called “Th e Satire on the
Trades,” a g lori fi cation of the occupation of the scribe, which
is written in the form of a father’s advice to his son. In it the
father describes many of the other occupations, with their
obvious drawbacks, in contrast to the life of the scribe. He
tells his son that other jobs are dirty or smelly or otherwise
undesirable but not the life of the scribe. “You never see a
sculptor sent as an emissary, but scribes are always chosen
for such tasks”—a typical observation intended to make the
young person devote himself to his studies. It is clear that the
person with scribal training enjoyed a privileged position.
Most scribes were attached to governmental or temple
service, but there is some indication that there was also a class
of independent literate individuals whose services were avail-
able for hire. However, the importance of keeping accurate
state records and managing the system of taxation required
large numbers of specialists who were well trained. Tomb
paintings and funerary models attest to the varied activi-
ties of the scribes, mainly keeping accounts of the produce of
the fi elds for tax purposes. Th ey are almost always depicted
in twos and threes at the same work, suggesting a system of
careful accounting.THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF DEATH
Th e stratifi cation within Egyptian society can be illustrated
with a variety of examples. A simple and obvious illustration
is the size (or even the existence) of a tomb. Certainly only
the well-to-do had the resources to construct or carve out
tombs for burial. Th e very fact that an individual was bur-
ied in a tomb automatically demonstrates that he or she had
wealth and infl uence. Th e ability to plan, commission, and
carry out the preparation and decoration of a tomb of any
size implies considerable wealth. Th e quality of the tomb fur-
niture, including the mummy cases and ritual vessels, gives asocial organization: Egypt 10170895-1194_Soc&Culturev4(s-z).i1017 1017 10/10/07 2:30:46 PM