38 The Economist February 12th 2022
Middle East & Africa
AmericaandIran
The endgame
I
n a worldof increasing geopolitical ri
valry—over Ukraine, Taiwan and more—
the big powers have at least managed to co
operate in the diplomatic effort to contain
Iran’s nuclear programme. Might negotia
tors in Vienna succeed in reviving the nuc
lear deal agreed on by Barack Obama in
2015 and abandoned by Donald Trump
three years later?
The latest round, which began on Feb
ruary 8th, looks decisive. Negotiators have
never been closer to a breakthrough, yet
have also never been closer to a break
down, says a source. Upbeat American offi
cials say a deal is “in sight”. In an apparent
gesture of goodwill, America last week said
Chinese, Russian and European firms
could again receive waivers from sanc
tions for some civilian nuclear activities in
Iran. American hawks have also grown
louder in their opposition. More than 30
Republican senators have warned Presi
dent Joe Biden that he must submit any
deal to the Senate or face “the full range of
options and leverage” they can muster.
The dangers of a breakdown are readily
apparent. Iran’s allies in Yemen, the
Houthis, have intensified missile and
drone attacks against the United Arab
Emirates (uae). That has prompted, in
turn, the deployment of an American war
ship and advanced fighter jets, not just to
help protect the uaebut to send an implicit
warning to Iran. Israel, which worries
about a “damaging” deal, has been rehears
ing military strikes on Iran’s nuclear facili
ties. Its security cooperation with Gulf
states is increasing, too.
The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Ac
tion (jcpoa), as the nuclear deal is known,
strictly limited Iran’s nuclear programme
and strengthened inspections in return for
a lifting of many international sanctions.
But it was denounced by Israel and even
some Democrats. It allowed Iran to resume
largescale uranium enrichment after 15
years. It did not oblige Iran to end its ballis
ticmissile programme or its involvement
in regional conflicts. Mr Trump, calling the
jcpoa “the worst deal ever”, imposed a
multitude of sanctions on Iran under a
policy of “maximum pressure”.
In response, Iran progressively acceler
ated its enrichment of uranium, the fissile
material required both for nuclear reactors
and for bombs. It has spun some uranium
to 60% enrichment, a hair’s breadth away
from weaponsgrade. It has also converted
enriched uranium hexafluoride gas into
uranium metal—for which the most likely
use is in bombs—and hampered inspec
tions by the un’s International Atomic En
ergy Agency (iaea). Rafael Grossi, the
agency’s directorgeneral, notes that Iran is
the only country without nuclear weapons
to enrich uranium to such a high degree.
“What you have here is an Iran that has
grown in width, in depth, in height, in all,
in all dimensions, in its nuclear pro
gramme,” he says.
Iran’s “breakout time”—the period it
would need to make a bomb’sworth of fis
sile material—has shrunk to less than a
month, much shorter than the year or
more when the jcpoawas still in force.
(Putting a nuclear warhead on a missile
would take perhaps another year or two.)
VIENNA
As nuclear talks with Iran continue, time is running out to avert a new crisis
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