The Economist February 12th 2022 Middle East & Africa 39
Hence America’s insistence that the
talks are entering the “endgame”. It be
lieves that a deal will have little value un
less concluded soon. The longer the nego
tiations drag on, the sooner the restric
tions on Iran’s programme will expire un
der the jcpoa’s “sunset clauses”. Given
Iran’s increased capabilities, even a quick
return to the deal would no longer restore
the full year’s breakout time, admits Rob
Malley, America’s chief negotiator.
For the Iranians, too, the jcpoais losing
value. Any lifting of American sanctions is
liable to be temporary, given that Mr Biden
may well be out of office in 2025. Mr Trump
might be back in the White House. Any Re
publican president would face immense
pressure to abandon the deal. American
negotiators have rejected Iranian demands
for a “guarantee” that sanctions will not be
reimposed. Mr Biden cannot bind his suc
cessor, they say; the best he can offer is a
promise to abide by the jcpoaif Iran re
mains in compliance.
Will such limited reassurance be
enough? Optimists see a betterthaneven
chance of a deal, noting the shift in Amer
ica’s positions. It would give the Iranian
economy a boost at the start of Ebrahim
Raisi’s presidency. Pessimists see a high
likelihood of failure, reckoning that Iran
wants to press its advantage, convinced
that America will not go to war. The risk of
misunderstanding is high, given that Iran
refuses to talk directly to America (instead,
it negotiates indirectly through European,
Chinese and Russian diplomats).
Mr Biden says he will not allow Iran to
get a nuclear weapon, but Israel is not reas
sured. It says Iran should not have the “ca
pability” to acquire a nuke (but does not
define this). Having promised a deal that
would be “longer and stronger” than the
jcpoa, the Biden administration will at
best get one that is shorter and weaker. The
blame for that lies in Mr Trump’s “cata
strophic” withdrawal from the jcpoa, says
the administration. It hopes that, once the
jcpoarestores some stability, followon
negotiations may improve its terms.
Western officials are also preparing for
a breakdown, however. They are quietly
discussing the next steps to increase eco
nomic and political pressure on Iran. One
option would be for a European country—
probably Britain—to invoke the “snap
back” provisions of the jcpoato reimpose
unsanctions. These would have limited
impact and risk a breach between the West
and Russia and China, whose acquiescence
would increase the impact of any effort to
impose more economic pain on Iran.
Thus far Russia and China have helped
nudge Iran towards a deal. In December,
for instance, they pushed it to return to its
limited cooperation with the iaeato avoid
bringing the matter before the unSecurity
Council. Their ties with Iran are complex.
Russiaprovidesitwithweaponsandcivil
nuclear technology.Chinaisthebiggest
buyerofitsoil.Bothseemkeenonusing
Iranasa counterweightagainstAmerican
influence.ButneitherwantsIrantogonu
clear.Nordotheyseemtowanta newcrisis
intheMiddleEastthatwilladdtogeopolit
icalinstability.
ThegatheringstorminUkrainemayaf
fect such calculations. Some diplomats
hopethecrisistherewillhastenanagree
ment,asthebigpowersseektocontain
theirrivalry.Othersfearthatpositionsare
alreadyhardening.RussiaandChinalast
weekissueda jointdeclarationdenounc
ingAmericaanditsalliesforfuelling“an
tagonismandconfrontation”aroundthe
world.Irancouldbecomeanotherelement
ofantagonism.Ifso,anewcrisisinthe
MiddleEastwillbeaddedtothatinEurope
andtheoneloominginAsia.n
Israel
The surveillance
state
U
ntil recently many Israelis took
pride in Pegasus, a fearsome bit of spy
ware developed by nsoGroup, a local firm.
The technology exploits weaknesses in a
smartphone’s digital defences, allowing
users to eavesdrop on conversations, ac
cess data and control the camera and mi
crophone. While marketed as a means for
governments to fight organised crime and
terrorism, Pegasus has reportedly been
used by authoritarians to target activists,
journalists and politicians. But Israelis
brushed aside those concerns. The tool’s
popularity was proof that their country’s
tech firms are world class.
The mood is changing, though. Pegasus
is not only a threat to foreigners, reports
Calcalist, a local newspaper. The Israeli po
lice have also used the software, without a
court order, to spy on local activists, politi
cians and businessmen, the paper claims.
Its allegations have not been corroborated.
But they were enough to convince the gov
ernment to investigate. Naftali Bennett,
the prime minister, said the deputy attor
neygeneral was looking into the matter.
The publicsecurity minister, Omer Barlev,
who oversees the police, called for a com
mission of inquiry.
The list of people allegedly targeted by
the police has ignited a firestorm of indig
nation among supporters of Binyamin
Netanyahu, the former prime minister
(pictured). It includes his aides and one of
his sons. It also includes a crucial state wit
ness in the corruption trial of Mr Netanya
hu, who pounced on the allegations. He
called it a “dark day for Israeli democracy”
and said the alleged use of Pegasus by the
police was like the army “using planes
meant to be used against Iran, Hizbullah
and Hamas to blow up Israeli civilians”.
Much is still unclear—like who might
have chosen the targets of Pegasus and
why. Nevertheless, Mr Netanyahu’s allies
have called for his trial to be dismissed. For
now, it has been suspended so that the
prosecution can figure out whether Pega
sus was used in the gathering of evidence.
A commission of inquiry may, eventually,
provide some answers. But it also carries
risks for Mr Netanyahu, who leads the op
position in the Knesset (Israel’s parlia
ment). His critics were quick to note that
the alleged abuses by the police are said to
have occurred on his watch.
As prime minister, Mr Netanyahu
served as nsoGroup’s chief salesman, of
fering Pegasus to foreign leaders as a carrot
for better relations. The firm’s customer
list includes the populist leaders of Brazil,
Hungary and India, with whom Mr Netan
yahu got along, as well as the Sunni Arab
regimes—Bahrain, Morocco and the Unit
ed Arab Emirates—that established rela
tions with Israel during his tenure.
Mr Netanyahu had also urged the Israeli
police to do more with the tools at its dis
posal. In 2015 he chose Roni Alsheikh to
lead the force. Mr Alsheikh was an unusual
pick, having never served in the police. But
he had been the deputy chief of Shin Bet,
the internal security agency, which uses
cybertechnology in its counterterrorism
operations. At his induction ceremony, Mr
Netanyahu urged him to use it “also for
policing, also for the daily protection of ci
vilians and for law enforcement”. Still,
there is no public evidence that Mr Netan
yahu was aware that the police were using
Pegasus. Mr Alsheikh says the reports are
J ERUSALEM
Did the police use home-grown
spyware on citizens?
He spies an opportunity