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at times extensively on mathematical examples
to explicate his theory of value, as well as on
quantitative information about poverty and
capital–labour relations in nineteenth-century
Britain. Marx has been criticized by main-
stream economists for mathematical in-
competence, particularly for errors in his
‘transformation problem’, which sought some-
what unsuccessfully to show that prices
of production (long-run market prices) are
determined by labour values. Sraffa (1960)
demonstrated, however, that neo-classical
macroeconomics had the same mathematical
limitations, being only logically correct if
production technologies are identical in every
sector of the economy. Morishima showed
that Marx’s theory of exploitation can be
deduced mathematically from his theory of
capitalism: capitalists can only make positive
monetary profits if labour is exploited in
labour value terms. This triggered scholarship
in analytical Marxism.
In economics and sociology, analytical
Marxism stressed developing deductive theor-
ies consistent with Marx’s theorization of cap-
italism. Much of this work, pioneered by John
Roemer, John Elster, George Cohen and Erik
Olin Wright, is grounded inrational choice
theory– the belief that macro-features of
society are the consequence of the self-inter-
ested actions of informed, rational economic
actors. Taking the same starting point asneo-
classical economics, remarkably they show
that under Marxian assumptions a very differ-
ent view of capitalism emerges. Exploitation
occurs, the opposed economic interests of
workers and capitalists generateclassstruggle
over the economic surplus, capitalism is un-
stable, and individuals choose to join exploit-
ing and exploited classes because of initial
wealth and endowment differences. These
scholars have rejected Marx’s labour theory
of value. Empirically, however, observed
long-term market prices are indeed closely
correlated with labour values, suggesting that
such rejection is premature. These rational
choice Marxists are criticized for their ground-
ing in rational choice behaviour, and insist-
ence on deductive reasoning, which are seen
as inconsistent with Marx’s dialectical logic
(see dialectic: see also Roemer, 1982,
1986b; Carver and Thomas, 1995).
Geographers have applied mathematical
reasoning to a Marxian analysis of the capital-
istspace-economy, without grounding this
in individual rational choice. Like Harvey’s
dialectical analysis, Sheppard and Barnes
(1990) demonstrate that the incorporation of
spacecomplicates some of Marx’s theoretical
propositions. Space further destabilizes the
capitalist dynamics ofuneven development,
increases the likelihood that the interests
of individual capitalists are in conflict with
class interests and catalyses conflict between
places that can undermine class dynamics.
Equilibrium analysis is thus of little value,
as equilibria are most unlikely and always
unstable. Unlike Harvey, it is deduced that
space undermines labour value as the founda-
tion of Marxian analysis. Empirically, Webber
and Rigby (1996) show thatfordismwas not
the golden age of postwar capitalism,contra
regulation theory. Recent advances incom-
plexity theory suggest that mathematical
analysis of complex systems such as capitalism
approximates many aspects of dialectical
reasoning, suggesting that Marx’s own resort
to mathematics was not in tension with his
philosophical approach. es
Suggested reading
Roemer (1986); Sheppard and Barnes (1990).
anarchism Apoliticalphilosophythat is
anti-authoritarian, seeking the elimination of
thestateand its replacement by a decentral-
ized social and political self-governing social
order. Anarchist social order is not the absence
of government, but a form of self-government
that does not demand obedience. It is a mix-
ture of libertarian, utopian andsocialistideas
that counterspowerand hierarchy through
voluntary, and usually local, decentralized
communities. Cook (1990) identified five
different forms of anarchism – individualism,
collectivism, anarchistcommunism, anarcho-
syndicalism and pacifism. Anarcho-feminism
andsituationismare also relevant varieties
of anarchism that have been utilized by
geographers. Geographers Peter Kropotkin
and Elise ́e Reclus were among the early pro-
ponents of anarchistcommunism. Both were
active members of the academic geography
community in the late 1800s and early 1900s
(Kearns, 2004), though their political leanings
were ignored as ‘baggage’ by the geography
establishment, which was focused upon im-
perial and national projects (MacLaughlin,
1986). Kropotkin’s belief that ‘the duty of
socially-concerned scientists lay in articulating
the interests of subordinate social classes and
combating poverty, underdevelopment and
social justice’ (quoted in MacLaughlin, 1986,
p. 25) lay at the heart of theradical geography
that emerged in the late 1970s. However,
the initial identification of anarchism as a
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ANARCHISM