Women & Islamic Cultures Family, Law and Politics

(Romina) #1
between husband and wife reflects this inequality.
Even in households where both marital partners
are working outside, husbands do not share any
housework responsibilities; women often care for
children and the sick, cook, wash, clean the house,
and iron alone. In only about 20 percent of house-
holds do women have domestic help (Koç and
Ergöçmen 2001).
Studies show that domestic violence is consider-
ably high across the classes (AAK 1995). The
prevalence of honor killing is especially a problem
for women in less developed eastern Turkey. The
state issued the Law for the Protection of the
Family in 1998. The primary aim of this law is to
protect the family in cases of domestic violence by
recommending the “faulty party” – often men – to
behave themselves.

Bibliography
A.A.K. (Aile Araçtırma Kurumu), Aile içi çiddetin sebep
ve sonuçları, Ankara 1995.
I. Aytaç, Intergenerational living arrangements in Turkey,
in Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology13 (1995),
241–64.
A. Duben, Turkish families and households in historical
perspective, in Journal of Family History10:1 (1985),
75–97.
A. Duben and C. Behar,Istanbul households. Marriage,
family, and fertility, 1880–1940, Cambridge 1991.
H. Geber, Anthropology and family history. The Ottoman
and Turkish families, in Journal of Family History14:4
(1989), 409–21.
A. Hancıo(lu et al., Türkiye’de akraba evlilikleri. 1998
Türkiye nüfus ve sa(lık araçtırması, in Nüfusbilim
Yazıları3 (2001), 1–14.
÷. Koç, Female headed households in Turkey and socio-
demographic and economic characteristics of female
household heads, in Turkish Journal of Population
Studies19 (1997), 73–99.
——, Timing of leaving home in Turkey and its relation-
ship with other life course events, in Turkish Journal of
Population Studies23 (2001), 16–24.
÷. Koç and B. Ergöçmen, Analysis of the relationship
between women’s modernity level and women’s atti-
tudes, beliefs and values about intra-household rela-
tion, in Women’s Studies Review7 (2001), 31–44.
F. Özbay, Türkiye’de kadın eme(i ve istihdamına iliçkin
çalıçmaların geliçimi, in F. Özbay (ed.), Küresel pazar
açısından kadın eme(i ve istihdamındaki de(içimler.
Türkiye örne(i, Ankara 1998a, 147–81.
——, Türkiye’de aile ve hane yapısı. Dün, bugün, yarın,
in A. B. Hacımirzao(lu (ed.), 75 yılda kadınlar ve
erkekler, Istanbul 1998b, 155–72.
——,Turkish female child domestic workers, Istanbul
1999.
L. Peirce, The imperial harem. Women and sovereignty in
the Ottoman Empire, New York 1993.
S. Timur, Türkiye’de aile yapısı, Ankara 1972.
M. A. Ubicini, Osmanlı’da modernleçme sancısı, Istanbul
1998.
S. Yavuz, Household composition and complexity in
Turkey. Findings from the Turkish Demographic and
Health Survey, 1998, M.A thesis, Hacettepe University,
Ankara 2002.

Ferhunde Özbay

262 household forms and composition


The United States

Household form and membership among Mus-
lims living in the United States differ greatly accord-
ing to country of origin, education, class, generation
since emigration, and many other factors. Some
young Muslims who came to the United States for
education live on their own or with roommates.
Sometimes siblings or other relatives may share a
home. The mother who can afford it may accom-
pany one or more children who have come to
attend high school or college. Often a young person
coming for education may live for a while with rel-
atives. Even when people finish school, start work-
ing, and become settled in the United States,
households may fluctuate as parents and other rel-
atives come to visit for extended periods of time.
In general, household boundaries among people
of Muslim background are relatively permeable
and flexible. Visits to family, relatives, and friends
are frequent and may involve staying for several
nights. Even when people are living separately, they
may frequently gather together, maintain daily tele-
phone contact, and cooperate closely with such
tasks as cooking or childcare. A nephew or niece,
grandparent or other relative may live with a fam-
ily for a time. Some families of means own two
homes, one in the United States and one in the
country of origin to accommodate their trans-
national households.
Parents of Muslim background generally want
their children to attend a university close by so that
they can continue to live at home. Even if children
go to another city for educational purposes, they
may frequently live with their parents again upon
graduation. Muslim parents generally expect their
children, and especially females, to live at home
until they marry, despite social or educational class.
Especially among first and second generation emi-
grants, ideas of female modesty and the emphasis
on female virginity and chastity influence residen-
tial choice for young, unmarried females and even
for divorced and widowed adult women. Often
parents expect children, especially females, to stay
at home and engage in any outside activities with
the family rather than with peers. Among conser-
vative families, sometimes a young girl will be sent
back to the country of origin for schooling, in order
to keep her away from the more liberal interaction
between sexes in the United States. Conversely,
males may go back to the country of origin to find
a bride who has not lived in the freer American
environment. Generally only young adults from
educated, modernized, secularized, middle- or upper-
class backgrounds will consider cohabiting before
Free download pdf