The Economist March 26th 2022 United States 35
to alliancebuilding, says the envoy; it will
expect Europeans to help in Asia.
The fact that Australia, Japan and other
Asian countries have imposed sanctions
on Russia is a sign of their fears about the
war’s wider repercussions. American mili
tary chiefs have warned that a Chinese in
vasion of Taiwan could happen before the
end of the decade. A successful Russian at
tack on Ukraine might have emboldened
China. Now that Russia is bogged down,
the danger may have receded.
Russia and China have declared that
their friendship has “no limits”. America is
hoping that Xi Jinping, China’s leader, will
now have second thoughts. In a video sum
mit on March 18th Mr Biden issued a threat
to impose sanctions on China if it came to
Russia’s aid. One aim of Mr Biden’s trip this
week is to push Europeans to deliver the
same message at the euChina summit on
April 1st. China maintains the fiction that it
is neutral, so could in theory distance itself
from Russia. Few in Washington think Mr
Xi is prepared to let Mr Putin fail. But
America now sees “an opportunity to deal a
strategic blow to Russia, and an opportuni
ty to make Russia increasingly a strategic
burden for China,” the official says.
Home alone
On the home front, foreignpolicy types
give Mr Biden high marks for his handling
of the crisis. Opinion polls suggest his ac
tions are in line with the public’s views:
support Ukraine and impose sanctions on
Russia, but don’t send American troops or
shoot down Russian planes.
Yet Mr Biden is not enjoying much of a
“rally round the flag” bounce. A YouGov
poll for The Economist, conducted on
March 19th22nd, found that 41% of those
surveyed approved of his foreign policy,
whereas 49% disapproved. Asked about
his ability to handle an international cri
sis, just 33% said they were confident and
48% were uneasy. Such views are highly
skewed by party affiliation. Plainly, Mr Bi
denhas failed to restore confidence after
his chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan.
A moment of bipartisanship over Uk
raine is dissipating. Republicans accuse
Mr Biden of being “weak”. Some advocate a
nofly zone. Most say Mr Biden should not
have blocked the delivery of mig29s to Uk
raine. Much of this criticism looks like
posturing. In what promises to be a long
global struggle, America’s extreme polar
isation will be an enduring vulnerability.
The left wing of the Democratic Party
has long wanted to shrink the defence bud
get to make room for ambitious social
spending. Mr Biden has favoured continu
ity, and accepted a nominal increase in the
current fiscal year. He may have to change
his priorities. Defence spending, now
some 3.3% of gdp, is close to its postwar
low—down from a high of 13.8% during the
Korean war and an average of 7.2% during
the cold war (see chart on previous page).
Hal Brands, author of a book about the
lessons of the cold war, argues that the fig
ure should increase to about 5% of gdpto
enable America to cope with trouble in
both Europe and Asia. “One parallel be
tween Harry Truman and Joe Biden is that
both dramatically underresourced de
fence in the early part of their presiden
cies. The question is whether the Ukraine
war will play the role that the Korean war
did in convincing the country to increase
defence spending.”
The gruelling Korean war did much to
destroy Truman’s presidency. That is a les
son in the need for caution. But even if Mr
Biden shows skill and sound judgmentin
the new cold war, he, like Truman, maynot
get much credit for it until decades later.n
W
hatdoguardiansandCommand
ers have in common? Both project
enough moxie for sports fans to rally
behind, and neither is offensive. The
Commanders are the former Washington
Redskins, an Americanfootball team;
the Guardians are the baseball team once
known as the Cleveland Indians. They
are the latest examples of the scrubbing
of Native American imagery from organ
ised sports. In a video voiced by Tom
Hanks, the Cleveland name change is
portrayed as the forward march of histo
ry, from racism towards justice. For some
Native Americans, it’s not that simple.
Brenda Bremner, former general
manager of the Confederated Tribes of
Siletz Indians, has a closet full of War
riors and Braves shirts. Her parents met
at the Chemawa Indian School in Salem,
Oregon, and her father played for the
Chemawa Braves. “We wore Indiantype
logos proudly,” she says. In 2017 it be
came illegal for Oregon public schools to
have Native American mascots, logos or
team names, but an exception—peti
tioned for by Ms Bremner—allowed
schools to retain their mascots by enter
ing into agreements with local tribes.
Eight school districts did so.
A similar law is now in the Massachu
setts Senate, and the town of Dartmouth
is wondering what to do with its high
school team, the Indians. Is the Indian
logo racist (causing “shame, horror and
harm”, as critics said at a schoolcommit
tee meeting this week)? A nonbinding
referendum is scheduled for April 5th.
The Pocasset Wampanoag Tribe,
which was living in this area when the
pilgrims landed in 1620, is divided on the
issue. The Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe
opposes the Dartmouth Indian logo. But
22 members of the Aquinnah Wampa
noag Tribe signed a letter defending it.
The image was drawn by a tribal member.
“The symbol is not disrespectful,” the
Aquinnah’s Scott Carney said at a previ
ous schoolcommittee meeting, on
March8th.Ina separateletter, the Aquin
nah chairwoman said the ban attempts
to eliminate Native people from “today’s
culture and society”.
Mr Carney has no love for the Red
skins or for Chief Wahoo, the cartoonish
mascot of the Cleveland Indians. The
damaging effects of this kind of imagery
on students have been well documented,
which is why Maine banned such mas
cots in 2019, and why a new Colorado law
will fine any public school with an unac
ceptable Nativethemed team name or
logo $25,000 a month from June. But the
Dartmouth Indian is not Chief Wahoo.
Statewide bans are a crude instru
ment. What many tribes want above all is
meaningful consultation on decisions
ostensibly made in their name. The local
approach has worked. Athletes at the
University of Utah continue to call them
selves Utes, with the approval of the real
Utes, in exchange for lesson plans and
scholarships for tribal members. It is
similar with Florida State University’s
Seminoles. Prejudice is the problem, says
Ms Bremner, “and you don’t get rid of
prejudice without education”.
Symbolsinsports
Pride and prejudice
DARTMOUTH, MASSACHUSETTS
Rows about Native American-themed team names go local
Go, Indians! (or not)