22 Britain TheEconomistApril2nd 2022
Before the referendum in 2016, Sinn
Fein opposed Brexit, despite having long
been staunchly antieu. After the vote, it
backed the protocol because it would boost
trade on the island of Ireland, says Chris
Hazzard, one of its mps: “Trade, much like
water running through the rocks, will find
the path of least resistance.” He, like many
on his side in politics, thinks increased
northsouth trade will play a big role be
fore any vote on unification, by strength
ening crossborder connections and mak
ing Northern Ireland more prosperous.
Old trade ties are indeed being broken
and new ones forged. An official survey
last October found that between a fifth and
twofifths of businesses sending goods
from Great Britain to Northern Ireland are
reducing quantities. Lloyd Jones runs a
business from Northern Ireland supplying
Amazon; he complains that English sup
pliers have been reluctant to send him
dried dogfood because of uncertainty over
paperwork. Mr Johnson once claimed he
had an “ovenready” deal with the eu. “For
me,” says Mr Jones, “the chips are still
stuck in the freezer.”
Meanwhile, some of Ireland’s exporters
seem to be capitalising on the disruption.
Between 2016 and 2019 the share of North
ern Ireland’s export sales going to Great
Britain fell from 60% to 48%, while the
share going to the Republic rose by around
six percentage points. Ireland’s statistics
show a 31% average annual increase in the
value of trade with Northern Ireland be
tween 2019 and 2021. Much of that predates
the protocol, which came into force in Jan
uary 2021. And some is trade in vaccines
and plastics for covidproofing offices. But
Fergal O’Brien of ibec, a business associa
tion in the Republic, says that Brexit is
driving some of the shift, as businesses
“see reshoring or sourcing from Northern
Ireland as reduced supplychain risk”.
Some economic activity has rerouted
through Northern Ireland, as hauliers have
shifted their operations to avoid the even
tougher trade border between the Republic
and Great Britain. Indeed, Northern Ire
land’s unique position, with privileged ac
cess to both the eu and British markets, has
fuelled talk of Brexit opportunities. Almac,
a pharmaceutical company, boasts of the
“Almac Advantage” for just that reason. Of
ficial data published on February 24th sug
gested that Northern Ireland’s economy
had recovered more quickly than most oth
er British regions from covid19.
That is encouraging, as far as it goes.
But if economic integration were to precip
itate political union in Ireland, says Sir
Richard Evans of the University of Cam
bridge, it would be a historical exception
rather than the rule. Despite a German cus
toms union in the mid1800s, members
took opposing sides in the AustroPrussian
war of 1866; the first world war happeneddespiteconsiderableEuropeaneconomic
integrationintheearly1900s.Newfound
landjoinedCanadabecauseofeconomic
distressratherthaneconomicties;simi
larlywithScotlandsigningtheActofUn
ion thatcreatedtheUnitedKingdomin
1707.Spainwasunifiedbydynasticmar
riages;Italybyrevolutionandforce.
Therearereasonstobescepticalthat
NorthernIrelandwillbuckthislongrun
trend.Oneisthat,insomeways,theisland
maynotbeintegratingatall.TheNorthern
Irelandprotocolcoveredgoodsbutnotser
vices,wheretherearenownewbarriers.
Another relatesto thehopethatamore
prosperousNorthernIrelandwouldmake
votersintheRepublicmoreeagerforunifi
cation. But uncertainty about Northern
Ireland’seconomicandpoliticalstatusis
deterringtheinvestmentthatmightmake
thathappen.Andthebestestimatesavail
able suggestthat allthesenew barriers
will,infact,makeNorthernIrelandpoorer.
Althougha longstandingarrangement
betweenIreland andBritainmeansciti
zensofeithercanliveandworkfreelyin
theother,Brexitmeansthatprofessional
qualificationsarenolongerautomatically
recognised.AndsomepositionsinIreland
facestricterresidencyrules.Forexample,
JohnMartinoftheRoadHaulageAssocia
tion,anindustrygroup,saysthesehave
meanthaulagecompaniesinNorthernIrelandhavingtorecruitextratransportman
agersinIrelandtomanagetheirsouthern
subsidiaries.AstudypublishedinMarch
2020 byNorthernIreland’sDepartmentfor
theEconomyestimatedthattheimpactof
a barebonesdealbetweenBritainandthe
eufortradeinserviceswouldbeequiva
lenttosignificanttariffincreasesforex
portersinNorthernIrelandtryingtoserve
theRepublic—from4%to9%foraccount
ingservices,forexample,andfrom5%to
14%forcommercialbanking.
Both the British government’s brink
manshipoverthetermsofthetradeborder
betweenNorthernIrelandandGreatBrit
ain,andpoliticaloppositiontotheproto
col,makethebusinessenvironmentmore
uncertain.Lastyearriotingbrokeoutin
partsofNorthernIreland;inJanuarya poll
putunionistsupportfortheprotocolat
just 2%. Officials carrying out border
checks havereceived death threats. The
dup has briefed loyalist paramilitary
groups,andinFebruaryloyalistantipro
tocolprotestsresumedonthestreets.
IftheprotocolsurvivesuntilDecember
2024, Northern Ireland’s assembly is
scheduledtodecidethenwhethertokeep
it.Moreover,Irishunificationwouldmake
theIrishSeaborderharderstill—apoint
seeminglylostonthose whoarguethat
Northern Ireland’s privileged position,
withfavouredmarketaccesstobothGreatIslands within islands
Britain and IrelandSources: OECD; ONS*Includeseducation and healthNorthernIreland
2019,populationas%ofUnitedKingdom2.8UnitedIreland27.7Population
2019, mGreat Britain 64.8Republic of Ireland 4.9Northern Ireland .9Deficitperperson,bynation,2019-20,£EnglandScotlandWalesNorthernIreland0 1,000 2,000 3,000 4,000 5,000 6,000OtherSocialprotection Housingandcommunities Publicorder Education HealthLevelinEngland Dierencewith England: Revenue shortfall
Spendingon:1
20 22 24NORTHERN
IRELAND GREAT
BRITAINREPUBLIC
OFIRELAND16.4 30.3 20.9 22 24 26 2
29.3After-taxhousehold
income,2019,£’000Public administration*,
201
, % of total employment