The Economist May 21st 2022 35
Asia
Myanmar’scivilwar(1)
These new puritans
W
hen moe moe and hundreds of thou
sands of publicsector workers just
like her went on strike after the Burmese
army launched a coup in February 2021,
they were promised that the resistance
would take care of them. As the movement
opposing the putsch became more organ
ised, forming a shadow administration
called the National Unity Government
(nug), it raised $120,000 to support some
360,000 publicsector workers who were
shunning their desks. Yet Ms Moe Moe (not
her real name), who worked as a teacher at
a state school, never saw a kyat.
That did not matter at first. Many ordin
ary Burmese predicted that the revolution
ary movement to oust the army would suc
ceed within a few weeks or months. But as
time wore on, economic realities began to
sink in. Some strikers found new jobs. Ms
Moe Moe, who is 36, began to tire of having
to ask her mother for money all the time.
Five months after the coup, she started
thinking about returning to school.
She did not. “I don’t dare to return,” she
says. She feared she would be attacked on
social media for being too weak to endure
the hardships thought necessary to prevail
against the army. When a friend of Ms Moe
Moe’s went back to her job at a state school,
because she had exhausted her savings and
needed to buy medicine for her ailing fa
ther, she received death threats and the ad
dress of her school was posted online.
The terror the junta has unleashed in an
effort to stamp out the resistance has radi
calised Burmese society. The radicalisation
is illustrated by the changing tactics of the
opposition. At first its members gambled
that they could persuade the army to re
turn to the barracks by encouraging civil
servants and privatesector bankers to
abandon their posts, bringing the econ
omy and the running of the state to a halt.
Instead, the army escalated its violence,
so the resistance shifted its focus. In Sep
tember Duwa Lashi La, the nug’s acting
president, formally declared war on the ar
my, giving his imprimatur to the freshly
raised militias which had been battling the
armed forces for months. He exhorted all
Burmese to join the struggle: “We have to
initiate a nationwide uprising in every vil
lage, town and city in the entire country.”
The shadow government has urged the
public to sever all ties with the regime. This
instruction applies not just to people who
are employed by the state, but also to com
panies and foreign aid agencies. The nug
has asked students at state schools to stop
attending, and ordinary citizens to stop
paying tax or utility bills. Even holidays
have been politicised. In April the nug
asked citizens to boycott festivities during
Thingyan, the Burmese New Year, because
it feared that the junta would seize on pic
tures of people enjoying themselves as a
propaganda victory (see next story). “Revo
lution will become a way of life, that’s the
rhetoric,” says Min Zin of the Institute for
Strategy and Policy, a Burmese thinktank.
An inspiring number of Burmese have
thrown themselves into this struggle, sac
rificing income and risking their lives to
express their anger at the army. Those who
cannot or will not comply with the new
norms of behaviour are named and
shamed. When 1 Stop Mart, a retail chain,
stayed open during a strike in March 2021,
the backlash was so fierce that employees
reportedly feared for their lives. More re
cently, the student union of a public uni
S INGAPORE
The righteous fury of the resistance is making life even more miserable
for ordinary Burmese civilians
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