Ramjanmabhumi: Hinduizing Politics and Militarizing Hindudom 125in 1971, 1984, and 1986 and also played a major role in the 1993 riots. It
was prominent from 1966 until 1975, declined during a period of working-
class militancy known as the "Samant wave," and regained strength after
1981 with the "saffron wave." Evolving their regional perspectives toward
a national vision, they advocate solutions such as expulsion of Muslim
foreigners, prohibition of strikes and "negative" unions, and militariza-
tion of youth. There are Shiv Senas in MP, UP, Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, and
Jammu Kashmir linked loosely and diversely to the parent organization
in Bombay^62 Bajrang Dal, whose name literally means "Hanuman Party,"
claims to be for the protection of Hindus. These lumpen elements assume
different names in different parts of the country, have no ideology or pro-
grams, and indulge in random acts of violence.
The role of the RSS was crucial and critical in the BJS's coming to rep-
resent the Hindu somatic. This brotherly relationship benefited the RSS
also, as they were coming out of the ban imposed at the wake of Mahatma
Gandhi's assassination and badly needed a political vehicle. Commenting
on the alleged "RSS influence on Jana Sangh," the RSS mouthpiece, Organ-
iser, editorially commented, "If by influence is meant 'interference' it just
does not exist: RSS has neither the time nor the inclination for it; and the
RSS constitution lays down that its office-bearers shall not hold office in
any political party. But if by influence is meant 'inspiration' it is very much
there and that is so much the better for Jana Sangh" (italics in original).^63
The editorial went on to point out that BJS president Deendayal Upad-
hyaya, parliamentary group leader Atal Behari Vajpayee, and General Sec-
retary Sundar Singh Bhandari were all RSS pracharaks (propagandists).
When Indira Gandhi imposed the infamous "emergency" on India in
1975, it brought a twist to the Hindutva politics. Behind the bars in the
Bangalore jail during the "emergency," L. K. Advani wrote in his diary on
October 21,1976, that it was "a significant day," as the BJS had completed
25 years of its existence. He also mentioned receiving a letter from Madan
Lai Khurana, who was in a Tihar (Delhi) jail, referring to the possibilities
of forming a unified opposition party in the near future. The letter, accord-
ing to Advani, said, "Jana Sangh members who have been exerting them-
selves in this direction would have a feeling of satisfaction, not unmixed
with sorrow, when this actually comes about. It would be the feeling a
Hindu household has on the occasion of a daughter's marriage,... happy
that a duty has been discharged, but sad over the parting."^64
Eventually, a few major non-Congress (I) parties came together into an
alliance and then founded the new Janata Party. They won the March 1977
elections but collapsed in 1979 as a result of some self-centered politicians'
power squabbles and buffooneries, lack of ideological or programmatic
cohesion, and most importantly, the dual membership of some people both
in the Janata Party and in the RSS. The BJS, which had decided in April
1977 to merge with the Janata Party, walked out of it in April 1980 and took