126 "Presenting" the Past
a reincarnation as the BJP later that year. Their program included, among
other things, promoting "Gandhian socialism" and "positive secularism."
The BJP president, A. B. Vajpayee, explained that Gandhism meant "decen-
tralisation of economy" and socialism meant "poor man to be the centre of
all economic activity." However, some ridiculed the concept and sought
to replace that by Ramrajyavad or Samatavad, and in order to appease the
RSS ranks, who were heavily represented, Bhai Mahavir, an RSS stalwart,
was brought in to defend "Gandhian socialism."^65 The Organiser editori-
ally commented that Gandhian socialism was "an attempt at humanising
socialism and making Gandhi intelligible to the 'modern' mind." The same
editorial also defined their secularism as something that was opposed to
a secularism "that will ridicule religion or appease communalism."^66 The
BJP general secretary, L. K. Advani, explained that the new party, in con-
trast to the BJS, was not based on ideology but idealism.
These feigned attempts at outgrowing the sectarian politics of the BJS,
giving senior titular positions to non-BJS leaders, overcoming the narrow
focus on the interests of the trading community, and establishing a genu-
ine national image were lauded by the national press quite prematurely.
The Times of India editorially noted, "It will be wrong to dismiss all these
shifts as no more than tactical manoeuvres." India Today welcomed the
BJP (Bombay) convention "for presaging a saner phase in Indian poli-
tics." When some critics pointed out the controversial past of the party
members, the Organiser was there to defend them: "those in the BJP who
belonged to RSS, are proud of the RSS; Those in the BJP who belonged to
BJS, are proud of BJS; and all those now in BJP, are proud of BJP."b/
Growing in self-confidence over the next few years, the BJP made an
appeal on May 7-9,1983, at its national executive to all parties except the
Muslim League and the communists to come together in the form of a
National Democratic Front (NDF) to defeat the Congress. Ironically, the
BJP chose to join hands with their worst detractor in the 1978-79 Janata
debacle, Char an Singh and his Lok Dal. The NDF had a glorious start in
August 1983 but disintegrated by the 1984 general elections, in which the
BJP won only two parliamentary seats. They engaged in a self-appraisal
and proved shortly that the BJP was, after all, a "child of RSS and heir to
Hindu Mahasabha."^68 Living true to their heritage of preoccupation with
somaticity and strength, the party admitted into its fold at least 6 former
lieutenant generals, 11 major generals, 12 brigadiers, 14 colonels, 2 air chief
marshals, 3 air vice marshals, 2 air commodores, 6 wing commanders, and
scores of other ex-members of the defense services. These military men
were engaged in a so-called defense cell that would finalize the party's
approach on issues like defense and security.^69
Thus the history of the Hindutva forces has been deceitful, duplicitous,
and destructive. Although they have adopted different nomenclatures at
different times and different methods on different occasions, their purpose