Advances in the Syntax of DPs - Structure, agreement, and case

142 Małgorzata Krzek bound by various elements located in the CP.^12 ,^13 With respect to features found in the feature geometry ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 143 Sigurðsson (2004) and following Harley &a ...

144 Małgorzata Krzek Because of that, I will opt for adding features [generic] and [arbitrary] to the geom- etry. The addition o ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 145 restrictive than others. Namely, deictic ...

146 Małgorzata Krzek of generic exclusive.^18 In this respect, the Polish null subject DP is similar to English one, which ‘gene ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 147 exclusively. In other words, the sentence ...

148 Małgorzata Krzek arranged variables consisting of a number of sub-variables allows us to capture dif- ferences between them. ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 149 move to D, as argued by both Cardinaletti ...

150 Małgorzata Krzek of them appears in the course of the narrow syntactic derivation. This would allow us to explain the differ ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 151 argument but some kind of a functional el ...

152 Małgorzata Krzek would only be available for existential operators but not for universal ones, as is argued by Diesing (1992 ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 153 (32) a. Kiedy Marysiai gotuje to się proi ...

154 Małgorzata Krzek provide support for the absence of the referential index [iR] on SIĘ. The impersonal pro, being the complem ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 155 (35) Gotuje /Gotowało się zupę. cook.pres ...

156 Małgorzata Krzek would enter an Agree relation with the pronoun but the reflex of that agreement would not be overtly repres ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 157 (38) a. Widzę stąd górę /Anię /ją. see.pr ...

158 Małgorzata Krzek marking on T appears to be caused by the fact that Φ-specification of null imper- sonal pronouns is ‘richer ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 159 b. Pracowało się dużo. work.past 3 sg.n s ...

160 Małgorzata Krzek c. *Zadziwiono Marysia / ta sytuacja. surprised Marysia.nom /this.F situation.nom.f (Intended) ‘[People] we ...

The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 161 SIĘ is like D of the DP, or more specifi ...