44 Europe The Economist March 12th 2022
ture make it the West’s mostimportant
gateway to Ukraine. The two countries
share a 530km (330mile) border,punctuat
ed by over a dozen crossings.Theairportin
Rzeszow, about an hour’sdrivefromthe
border, is the closest big airporttoUkraine
on natoterritory. Flight radardatashow
an uptick in military aircraft,almostcer
tainly involved in weaponsdeliveries,fly
ing in and out of Rzeszow sincethestartof
the war. Were Kyiv to falltotheRussians,
which is still far from guaranteed,Ukrai
nian troops and volunteerswouldproba
bly regroup in the west of thecountry,inor
around Lviv, only 80km fromthePolish
border. This would furtherraisePoland’s
importance for Ukraine.
The war has already strengthenedPo
land’s position in nato. Theallianceisin
creasing its presence in Polanddramatical
ly. America had deployed nearly5,000new
troops to Poland in February,evenbefore
the Russian invasion, bringingthetotalto
some 9,000. It also recentlyapprovedthe
sale to Poland of 250 Abramstanks.
Poland also hopes to reconcilewiththe
rest of the eu. The bloc has repeatedly
chided Poland’s nationalist government
for stacking its top court withcronies,
threatening judges who ruleagainstitand
harassing the media. The standoff
prompted the euto freeze€36bninpan
demic recovery funds earmarkedforPo
land and to fine it for ignoringrulingsby
the European Court of Justice.Polandhas
moved to meet some eudemands,andits
efforts in the face of Russia’saggression
may earn it a more sympathetichearing.
But there are incalculable risks in
volved, too. Analysts sayRussianretalia
tion of one kind or anotheragainstPoland
is a near certainty. The longerthewarlasts,
the more desperate Russiawillbetode
stroy the supply lines connectingPolandto
Ukraine. “I’m afraid that Russianrocketat
tacks against those supplylinesaresome
thing we have to take intoaccountinthe
coming days and weeks,”saysWojciech
Kononczuk of the Centre forEasternStud
ies, a thinktank in Warsaw.Americaclear
ly takes the possibility seriously:it issend
ing Patriot missiledefencebatteriestoPo
land. Others mention the threatofRussian
sabotage and cyberattacksinsidePoland.A
socialmedia monitoring grouphasalrea
dy uncovered a Russian disinformation
campaign intended to spreadpanicand
drive up resentment towards refugees
from Ukraine.
Vladimir Putin’s threatsagainstcoun
tries that interfere in Ukrainearenottobe
taken lightly. But for Polandandnato, the
only risk bigger than that ofRussianretali
ation is the risk of Western inaction.
“There’s no alternative, becausewe’rein
the same boat,” says Mr Kononczuk.“The
only difference is that Ukraine’s in the
front, and we’re in the back.”n
Turkey’sopposition
The compromise
candidate
K
emalkilicdaroglu, theleaderofthe
socialdemocraticRepublicanPeople’s
Party(chp), Turkey’smainoppositionpar
ty,isbracingforthebiggestshowdownof
hiscareer.“Erdoganwilldoeverythingnot
toleave,”hesaysathisparty’sheadquar
ters,referringtothecountry’spresident,
RecepTayyipErdogan,andtheoutlookfor
nextyear’selections.“Hewillpileonthe
pressureonthejudiciary,hewilltrytosi
lencethefreemedia,andhewilltrytoma
nipulatetheelectionboard,”saysMrKilic
daroglu. “But at theballot box,we will
teachhima lesson.”
Mr Erdogan’s opponents are closing
ranks. On February 28th six opposition
parties,includingthechp, signeda decla
rationoutliningtheirplanstooverhaulthe
presidentialsystem,whichgivesMrErdo
ganuncheckedpowers,restoremorepow
ertoparliamentandshoreupstateinstitu
tions,startingwiththecourtsandthecen
tralbank.Thealliancehasyettoannounce
itscandidateforpresident.Butthereisev
eryindicationMrKilicdarogluwillrun.
MrErdoganandhisJusticeandDevel
opment(ak) partyhaveseldomlookedas
vulnerable. Inflationhas surged to over
54%,theresultofMrErdogan’smisguided
insistenceonlowinterestrates.Thecur
rency, proppedupsincethestartofthe
year by adeposit guarantee programme
andcostlycentralbankinterventions,is
againtakinga battering,thistimeasa re
sultofthewarinUkraine.Hopesofaneco
nomicrecovery,whichMrErdoganpinned
ona calmsummerandbillionsofdollars
of tourism revenue, are being blown apart
by Russian missiles in Ukraine.
The wave Mr Kilicdaroglu hopes to ride
to the presidency swelled in 2019, when the
chp and its main partner, the iyi (“Good”)
party, prevailed over ak in five of Turkey’s
six largest cities, including Istanbul, in lo
cal elections. Mr Kilicdaroglu, who pieced
together the opposition alliance, was a big
part of the success.
Many opposition voters fear Mr Kilicda
roglu is the wrong candidate to take on
Turkey’s strongman, however. Of the three
most plausible opposition candidates for
the presidency, Mr Kilicdaroglu polls the
worst against Mr Erdogan, though he still
leads by a decent margin. In a country
whose entire political culture needs a
shakeup, the bespectacled former civil
servant, though affable and sprightly at 73,
is hardly a symbol of rejuvenation.
Still, Mr Kilicdaroglu has a number of
redeeming qualities. One is the direction
in which he has taken his party over the
past decade, away from an obsession with
secularism, and towards a more moderate,
inclusive politics. The notable exception is
his attitude towards the nearly 4m Syrian
refugees living in Turkey, whom Mr Kilic
daroglu has repeatedly promised to send
home. He says he would not force them to
leave, but make it easier for them to return
by rebuilding Syria.
Mr Kilicdaroglu’s biggest strength may
be the trust he enjoys among the rest of the
opposition. The system Mr Erdogan foisted
upon Turkey gives the president such
broad powers that the risk of abusing them
is considerable. Other opposition leaders
feel more comfortable with Mr Kilicdaro
glu at the wheel than anyone else (except,
presumably, themselves), says Seren Sel
vin Korkmaz, head of the IstanPol Insti
tute, a thinktank in Istanbul. The chp’s
leader may indeed havethemakings of a
good president. But he stillneeds to prove
that he is a good candidate.n
A NKARA
President Erdogan’s mild-mannered
presumptive challenger
No spring chicken, but a breath of fresh air