48 Middle East & Africa The Economist March 26th 2022
WesternSahara
The sands they
are a-swirling
T
he battle over WesternSahara has
long felt as sluggish as the region’s
barely shifting sand dunes. It is almost half
a century since Morocco claimed sover
eignty over the slice of desert, previously a
Spanish possession, that runs 900km (560
miles) along the Atlantic coast, south of
Morocco proper. The Polisario Front, an in
digenous guerrilla group backed by Moroc
co’s rival, Algeria, is still fighting for inde
pendence. For several decades the rest of
the world has looked away, parking the dis
pute with theunand promising the mirage
of a referendum on selfdetermination to
settle the issue. In fact, it has been frozen
in the baking desert, seemingly for ever.
But of late the sands have been swirling.
On March 18th Spain abandoned its
longheld neutrality and tilted in favour of
Morocco. Its prime minister called Moroc
co’s plan to give the Saharans autonomy
within the kingdom “the most serious, re
alistic and credible”. The eu gave a cau
tious thumbsup to Morocco, too. (The
Americans had already recognised the
kingdom’s claim in the last days of Donald
Trump’s presidency.) Morocco cheered the
latest shift. Algeria fumed.
Morocco’s diplomatic success is partly
thanks to its mischiefmaking. In the past
year it has repeatedly let migrants from
Morocco and elsewhere in Africa pour into
Spain’s north African enclaves, Ceuta and
Melilla, upping illegal migration into
Spain by 40%. A bbc poll of young Moroc
cans in 2019 suggested that 70% wanted to
emigrate—and that was before the rains
failed, tourism slumped under covid19
and the prices of basics like flour soared
after Russia invaded Ukraine. In addition,
Morocco, seizing a chance to squeeze Euro
peans harder, reduced intelligence coop
eration, boycotted Spanish ports and ex
ports, and withdrew its ambassadors from
several European countries. Once a bul
wark of proWestern solidarity in forums
such as the un, this month it failed to vote
when the un General Assembly castigated
Russia over Ukraine.
Polisario, meanwhile, is drooping. Its
forces have been hammered. Israel has aid
ed Morocco militarily, passing on tanks
seized in wars with other Arab armies and
helping build a defensive wall through the
Sahara modelled on its Sinai fortifications.
Its supply of combat drones, soon to be
made in Morocco, has turned the tables on
Polisario and its backer, Algeria.
The energy crisis should have given Al
geria some leverage. It is southern Europe’s
closest big source of hydrocarbons. Pipe
lines link it to Spain and Italy. Europeans
worry that Russia may use its influence in
Algeria and eastern Libya to gain control
over supplies to southern as well as eastern
Europe. But Algeria is in a bind. It needs
European revenue and Western finance to
expand production. And its ageing gener
als are paralysed by infighting. Algeria re
called its ambassador from Spain, while
Morocco’s returned to her post.
Still, the struggle is not over. Spain
stopped short of fully recognising the
kingdom’s sovereignty over Western Saha
ra. Though Morocco has agreed to stop the
flow of migrants for now, relations with
Spain are still dogged by rows over Moroc
co’s port expansion along its Mediterra
nean coast and the pittance the eu pays
Morocco for fishing off its Atlantic coast.
Meanwhile the kingdom continues to
create “facts on the ground”. Its settlers
now outnumber local Saharans three to
one. Officials from the north often get the
best land. A motorway will soon run south
to the border with Mauritania. The Moroc
cans hope that the huge port they are
building at Dakhla, the territory’s second
city, will enhance trade with subSaharan
Africa, while cables may bring energy from
solar and wind farms to Europe. And if pes
ky locals still demand independence?One
of Dakhla’s largest new developmentsisa
towering prison on the edge of town.n
DAKHLA AND MADRID
Guns and rough diplomacy let Morocco
push back against Algeria in the desert
R
hinoplastyhaslongbeena riteof
passage in Lebanon. Teenage girls
want a dainty new nose in time for their
graduation parties, celebrated in selfies.
Lebanon’s many woes have not hindered
the habit. Plastic surgeons are apparently
making as much as or more than they did
before an economic crisis, starting in
2019, that the World Bank has ranked as
the thirdworst anywhere, ever.
The World Health Organisation reck
ons that Lebanon’s economic meltdown
prompted nearly 40% of the country’s
doctors to leave. But for those who have
stayed, the pickings, especially for nose
jobs, may have increased. The pool of
patients has stayed the same. There are
fewer dexterous doctors to paddle in it.
If fewer Lebanese can afford cosmetic
surgery, the gap has been filled by pa
tients from abroad. Mostly of Lebanese
descent, they provide 70% of the coun
try’s bidders for beauty, reckons Chadi
Murr,a plasticsurgeon.Thatisa notably
higher share than before the financial
crisis, he says.
Beautifying a beak in Beirut is cheap
er than in the West. The average Leba
nese nose job costs $2,500, less than half
the going rate in America. And while the
hooter recovers, customers can visit
grandparents and cousins. Some say that
Lebanon’s diaspora is 15mstrong, twice
as big as the beleaguered country’s resi
dent population.
Lebanon’s beauty aficionados are a
resilient and resourceful lot. When angry
protesters blocked the roads in 2019,
hoping to get rid of Lebanon’s govern
ment, those bent on cosmetic improve
ments simply headed for the clinic on
foot. While the country lamented a lack
of basic medicines, plastic surgeons
stocked up on Botox and fleshfillers.
With the electricity supply regularly
conking out, Saad Dibo, a plastic surge
on, moved stock into his flat, where his
own generator kept the fridges cool.
For about half a year after an explo
sion in the port of Beirut killed more
than 200 people in 2020, many visitors
were afraid to come, says Dr Murr. Locals
were “not in the mood” for nips and
tucks either, he admits. His practice
languished. But soon he was busy treat
ing scars and burns from the blast.
“It’s weird” how well his business has
managed, he concedes. Bleaker times
may return, so he has opened a surgery
in Cyprus, where he spends one week in
eight. In a country so disasterprone, you
need a fallback. But as long as Lebanese
ladies like to tweak their noses, Beirut’s
beauty business seems likely to survive.
NosejobsinLebanon
The resilience of rhinoplasty
Even as the country’s crisis persists, its plastic surgeons are thriving