Across Forest, Steppe, and Mountain_ Environment, Identity, and Empire in Qing China\'s Borderlands

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for purposes of enhanced security, even as they deforested the material

basis for the nurturing of the empire’s elite mounted soldiery. Some

bannermen, such as Buhi, were worried by this continued contraction

of venery space and its attendant identity. Others seemed unconcerned

with the end of dismounted battue hunting in places such as Beijing.

An 1801 banner request terminated the practice pursued since the

dynasty’s early years when“afit habitat remained for birds and beasts”

in the city’s forested environs. Long years of agricultural clearance had

left nofit habitat for wild animals and, so, none for serious military

exercises.^7

Things appear so grave for all the empire’s main environmental

relations by this time that sustainable swiddening, foraging, and pastor-

alism can seem deliberate choices“to remain outside state space.”^8 This

insight is applicable, however, mainly to those states that do not main-

tain their own substantial versions of herding or hunting and gathering

or slashing and burning. Foraging or herding, and even swiddening,

could all be encompassed within theQing empire. Their orchestration

in concert with Han agriculture was what made the empire distinctively

Qing. This was less a choice than necessary adaptations to ecological

conditions defining Manchurian forests, Mongolian steppe, Zomian

mountains, or Beijing suburbs. All are strategies to “accommodate

the spatial and temporal structure,intensity and unpredictability of

environmental relations.”^9

These strategies employ“technologies of self and power”for“the

creation of new subjects”recursively linked to their diverse ecologies in

such a way as to replicate both within a stable imperial hierarchy.^10 Qing

disaster management mechanisms, for example, reconstruct an“environ-

mental subject.”Thus is restored a politically stabilizing environmental

relationship, imperial pastoralism, from which local people have become

alienated through loss of livestock. This alienation can arise through

human (raids) and/or ecological (dzud) agencies but is unlikely to return

to a“steady state”if left to itself, and likely to continue if grain and silver

substitutes are proffered as relief.

The proper formation or restoration of an environmental subjectivity

in premodern terms, however, should internalize the conviction that what

has been socially constructed is entirely natural. In modern terms, it

should internalize the conviction that there is no nature but that which

is socially constructed. The major difference between this premodern and

modern“environmentality” is that the premodern enfolds the social

within the natural, while the modern engulfs the natural within the social.

Qing Environmentality 269
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