The PraC'torian Option 267programmatic and tactical questions from a slightly different standpoint, due
not least to the fact that they were divided by military rank as well as social
background.
There was also a jurisdictional angle: Murav' yev-Apostol, as CO of the
Chernigcv regiment, had m!sg!'.'!ngs about a!!ow!ng an0ther c!~n<l~s!in~ ~oci~ty
to make converts among his men. Both groups were agreed that it was desirable
to recruit NCOs and soldiers, but the United Slavs attached a higher priority to
this task and could claim to have scored some success. The Southern Society
leaders wanted to limit such propaganda to the most receptive elements,
especially ex-Semenovtsy, and thought that even they could not be brought to
understand the conspirators' ulterior purposes. 'For them such formulas as
republican government or equality of classes [that is, human rights] would be
the enigma of the Sphinx', said Murav' yev-Apostol to a United Slav activist
(Sub-Lieutenant I. I. Gorbachevsky) on^15 September; whereas his interlocutor
wanted 'to explain, with the necessary tact, all the advantages of a revolution
and to reveal to them gradually all the society's secrets [that is, its aims] but
not its actual existence'.^77 The discussion became heated, with exchanges of
threats and accusations-one of the Borisov brothers questioned the need for a
provisional military dictatorship in the Pester mould-but the quarrel was
patched up.^78 In retrospect it is clear that both groups stood foursquare in the
Praetorian tradition: they sought to use military force to secure political
changes that would benefit the army and the wider society of which it formed
a part.
Alexander l's unexpected death at Taganrog on^19 November^1825 .left
a dynastic vacuum which would seem to have offered the dissident offiters
a golden opportunity. For nearly three weeks of confusion neither Constantine
nor Nicholas, the late tsar's brothers, would take the throne, each consideriRg
the other to be the rightful ruJer.N Unfortunately for the conspirators neither
claimant was sympathetic to their aspirations. The best chance to impose their
own ideas came on^27 November, when news of Alexander's death reached St.
Petersburg, but officials administered the oath of allegiance to Constantine
promptly, before any protest could be staged.
The Northern Society, caught totally unprepared, was unable to improvise
any realistic plan. Its members conferred, wrote leanets and spread rumours,
but not until 9 December, faced with the prospect that Nicholas might succeed,
did they contemplate immediate action. By this time the future emperor had
learned of what was afoot and could take counter-measures. The officers knew
that this was so, and prepared their action in a mood of despair and romantic
readiness for self-sacrifice. 'We shall die, oh, how gloriously shall we die!',(^77) Ludani, Sociele, p. 192; Gorhachev,ky, Zap1.1ki, pp. 29-JO.
78 Luciani, Socihe. p. 189; Gorbad1e\,ky, Zap1.1k1, p. 21.
'^9 On the crisis: B. E. Syroye,hkov~ky (ed. l. Me~hd111mrs11•1_l'e^1825 Ii-i 1·on1anive dekabrisrov
v perepiske i memuarakh ch/enov rsarskoy ~em 'i, Moscow and lcmngrad. 1926. ·