30 Europe The Economist March 26th 2022
Europe. Some of themeasuresagreedupon
look less effective nowthatloopholeshave
been found. The freezingofRussiancen
tralbank reserves heldoverseas,forexam
ple, has come with carveoutsthathaveal
lowed Russia to continueservicingitsdebt
and stave off technicaldefault.
There are otherbones ofcontention.
Ukraine has appliedforeumembership.
Eastern countries arekeentoletitin. But
founding members such as France and
Germany have insistedthattheblocoffer
only woolly assurancesaboutUkrainebe
ing in “the Europeanfamily”.
The eucould yetbeforcedintomore
sanctions—if Russiausedchemicalweap
ons, say, or committedsomeotherbattle
field outrage. Memberstates,andthebloc
as a whole, are workingtogetarmstoUk
raine (Mr Kuleba, unsurprisingly,would
like more and faster).Regardlessofhow
the war evolves, thesecuritysituationin
Europe is likely to remaintense.Henceall
sides are doing whattheycanto defuse
fights that could sourthemoodofunity.
Some will need answerssoon. More
than 3m Ukrainianshavealreadysought
refuge in the eu, forexample.Nearlytwo
thirds of them areinPoland,whichwill
struggle to cope. A smallerinfluxofSyrian
and Afghan refugeescausedlongandbitter
spats in 2015. This timePolandwillreceive
help, one way or another.
Other disagreementsarebubblingup.
Many are about money,madeworsebysag
ging economic prospects. France was
among those suggestingthatthecostof
sanctions and strongerdefenceshouldbe
met through a jointfundofthesorttheeu
raised to deal with covid19;“frugal”north
erners are sceptical.Atsomepointa fight
will occur about whentoreinstateaustere
eubudget rules suspendedduringthepan
demic. Poland is demandingthereleaseof
eufunds withheldoverconcerns ithas
hobbled its judiciary.Manynationalcapi
tals are keen to uphold“ruleoflaw”princi
ples, war or no war.
Longstanding policies that seemed
settled may be seenina newlightafterthe
war. Can Europe affordtocutcarbonemis
sions so rapidly, giventhewar’sshockto
energy supplies? Franceiskeentopushits
idea of “strategic autonomy”,anebulous
concept that includesEuroperelyingless
on nato for its defence.EasternEurope
still views the alliance,andthusAmerica,
as the guardian of itsborders.
Mr Kuleba’s frustrationthatfreshwaves
of European sanctionsarenotforthcoming
is understandable. Butthedisagreements
at the heart of the eutodayreflectlegiti
mate differences ofopinion,notpointless
squabbling. Europe’sspurtofunitygaveit
a hardpower relevanceithasrarelyen
joyed. One month intothewar,theunion
has served its purposewell.Butitmust
now strive to do more.n
TheFrenchelection
Seeds of discontent
T
he lastpit in this northern French vil
lage closed in 1974, but the silhouettes
of its slag heaps still rise in the distance
across flat farmland. They bear witness to
the muscular past of the mining basin,
which a century ago employed 130,000
people. Today its jobless rate is ten points
above the national average, and one in five
of its people live below the French poverty
line of €1,100 ($1,200) a month. Once a
week Ma P’tite Epice Rit, a voluntary food
truck, stops by the church in Auchyles
Mines to sell discounted food near its expi
ry date to those living on less than €10 net a
day. The truck serves some 100 residents.
“People here are asphyxiated by daily life,”
says a local shopkeeper.
Bypassed by highspeed trains and
breezy ambition, Auchy belongs to what
analysts call “peripheral” France. Peggy
Belicki, who a year ago set up the food
truck, filled with apples, potatoes, cabbag
es and chocolate tarts, says she caters to all
sorts, from pensioners to single parents:
“We offer a sort of moralsupport service.”
For years, this workingclass town looked
to the Communist Party to supply social as
sistance and ideological answers. The
mayor, JeanMichel Legrand, is from the
Communist Party, as were his predecessors
reaching back over half a century.
Yet in 2017, at the previous presidential
election, the nationalistpopulist Marine
Le Pen topped firstround voting in Auchy.
A UCHY-LES-MINES
Voters seek an alternative to
Emmanuel Macron in blighted France
A
rseny, a fashion photographer, and
his boyfriend Vova, a film director,
woke up in Moscow on the day Russia
invaded Ukraine and realised their coun
try had reached a point of no return. “We
had been living a lie,” Arseny says. A few
days later, after seeing the streets choked
with riot police, they boarded a plane to
Istanbul. They and many of their fellow
passengers had decided to leave Russia,
with little hope of return.
Turkey’s biggest city has been a fa
vourite among Russian tourists for de
cades. It has now become a temporary
haven for Russians escaping Vladimir
Putin’s dictatorship. They have few other
places to go. All eucountries have
banned flights from Russia. Turkey has
not,andletsRussiansinwithouta visa.
At least 14,000 Russians are estimated
to have moved to Turkey since the war
started, according to Turkish media.
Most are young professionals: lawyers,
bankers, journalists, programmers and
artists. Hundreds turned up at a recent
antiwar benefit concert by Miron Fyodo
rov, otherwise known as Oxxxymiron, a
Russian rapper. On Telegram, a messag
ing app, the newcomers are exchanging
tips on setting up Turkish bank accounts
and applying for permanent residence.
They are following a path beaten by
Russian exiles a century ago. In the 1920s
some 200,000 Russians, Ukrainians,
Azeris and Georgians fleeing Bolshevik
rule reached Istanbul on crowded steam
ships. They included White Russian
aristocrats, the novelist Vladimir Nabo
kov, and Fyodor Fyodorovich Tomas, a
black impresario born in Mississippi
who had run a music club in Moscow and
who went on to introduce Istanbul to
jazz. A visiting French princess spotted a
Russian baron polishing shoes and re
cognised a waitress as a fellow princess
she had seen at a ball in St Petersburg.
In the 1920s nearly all the émigrés
moved on to Europe. Most of the new
ones do not plan to stick around either.
Arseny has applied for an American visa,
Vova for a German one. But as long as Mr
Putin wages war on Ukraine and on
anyone who opposes his invasion, Istan
bul will remain a waystation for many of
Russia’s best and brightest.
EscapingVladimirPutin
From the third Rome to the second
I STANBUL
Istanbul has become a refuge for thousands of Russians