The Economist March 26th 2022 Europe 31
In the runoff, 65% of its voters backedher;
just 35% backed Emmanuel Macron.Ahead
of the tworound election on April 10thand
24th, polls say she is the mostpopular
choice for bluecollar voters nationally,
and again the most likely to face MrMac
ron in the runoff. Promising to keepout
immigrants and ease the cost of living,Ms
Le Pen has built a stronghold in thenorth
ern rustbelt, especially among voterswho
once leaned to the far left. She representsa
northern seat in parliament. And, since
2014, her party has run the townhallin
nearby HéninBeaumont, where thisweek
she took her campaign bus.
Other candidates are also tappinginto
the yearning in blighted corners likethis
for an alternative to the sitting president.
One is JeanLuc Mélenchon, a razorton
gued 70yearold from the hard leftwhois
on his third presidential run. He camesec
ond in firstround voting in the villagein
2017. Another is Eric Zemmour, a farright
polemicist whose latest wheeze is “re
migration” to send 1m immigrants“home”.
On a recent weekday, EmmanuelleDan
jou, a sales manager, was slippingleaflets
for Mr Zemmour into letter boxes onanes
tate of neat twostorey homes. Hispro
gramme “is really focused on a reconquest
of our country. We’ve lost our values;we’re
dismantling our country, our history”,she
says; “He says out loud what manyFrench
people think in private.” Frédéric Dewitte,
from a nearby village, joins her leafleting.
He used to back Ms Le Pen but nowfinds
her “too leftwing”, and not Eurosceptic
enough. Mr Zemmour, he says, is a“manof
culture” who could “possibly save France”.
Dislike of Mr Macron is not universalin
Auchy. “Excusez-moi, he hasn’t hadaneasy
task,” says a 70yearold standinginhis
garden in plastic slippers. On the high
street, where the “Best Kebab” jointsits
near a boardedup insurance agency,an
other man agrees that it is “unfair”tojudge
the president too harshly, what withthe
pandemic and war in Ukraine. Yetthereis
little love for him. He “values globalisation
and Europe more than France”, declaresMr
Dewitte. Many locals think he has gov
erned for the rich, not for people likethem.
This matters for Mr Macron.Not be
cause he needs their votes: pollssuggest
that he would easily beat any potentialri
val in the runoff. But if he is reelected,Mr
Macron will have to govern a discontented
and volatile country which readilytakesits
unhappiness to the streets. Someofhis
campaign proposals, unveiled onMarch
17th, would be vigorously contested,nota
bly his promise to raise the pensionage
from 62 to 65. Mr Macron maybe well
placed to win the presidency, and possibly
even a new majority at parliamentaryelec
tions in June. But, as AuchylesMinessug
gests, governing a fractured Francemaybe
even harder the second time around.n
DigitisingItaly
Io, robot
T
hehomelandofGalileoandMarconi
hasproved unexpectedlyresistant to
digitaltechnology.ManyItaliansadopted
mobilephoneswhiletheywerestilla rarity
inothercountries,includingAmerica. Yet
thesharewhoregularlyusetheinternet is
nohigherthaninTurkey.
ThatpartlyreflectsItaly’selderlypopu
lation:ithastheeu’shighestmedian age.
ButRiccardoLuna,formerlyhiscountry’s
representativeintheEuropeanCommis
sion’s DigitalChampions Expert Group,
saysotherfactorshavealsoplayeda role.
Foreightofthetenyearsfrom 2001 to 2011,
Italy’sprimeministerwasSilvioBerlusco
ni,atvmagnateforwhomtheinternet
represented a commercial danger. Tele
comItalia,thecountry’sdominant land
lineoperator,hadaninterestinslowing
theintroductionofbroadbandtomaintain
thevalueofitsmainasset,a copper cable
network.In 2020 theshareofItalianadults
whohadusedtheinternetintheprevious
threemonthswasjust78%—thesecond
lowestintheeu.
Themanchargedwithchangingthat is
VittorioColao,oncethebossofVodafone.
LastyearMarioDraghi,theprimeminister,
recruitedMrColaotobehisminister for
digitaltransition.Thankstotheeu’s colos
salpostpandemicrecoveryfund,Mr Colao
has more than €40bn ($44bn) to work
with.Onegoalistohelpindustrydigitise.
Anotheristobringextrafastbroadband to
schoolsandhealthclinics,aswellas pro
vidingbroadbandand 5 gmobilenetworks
to remoteareas.MrColaoalsowants to
help the 3m or so Italians who have been
left behind by the digital revolution ac
quire basic computer skills, and to stream
line public access to government, largely
through smartphone apps.
In that realm, Italy has made impres
sive progress. Matteo Renzi, a techno
evangelist who was prime minister in
201416, launched several projects that
have been implemented under his succes
sors. Mr Colao flourishes his smartphone
and points to an app called Io (“I”): “I can
now pay my socialsecurity contributions
for my domestic help directly from this. I
showed it to a German politician. He was
openmouthed with astonishment.”
Io and a clutch of similar apps appeared
just as covid19 was spreading in Italy, con
fining Italians to their homes and encour
aging them to become more digitally savvy.
The pandemic has helped in other ways
too. “We were not a nation of eshoppers,”
says Mr Colao. “And yet [ecommerce] has
now become absolutely normal.”
One of his biggest challenges, he says, is
convincing businesspeople to invest in
digital initiatives. The other is getting offi
cials to integrate systems and harmonise
procedures. Digitisation in the public sec
tor has been haphazard. There are an esti
mated 11,000 databases spread across na
tional, regional, provincial and municipal
government. “We spend our time arguing
with other ministries and local authori
ties,” says Mr Colao. “Digital does not need
to be centralised, but it does need to be
homogenous.”
The rewards are potentially immense.
Two of the biggest reasons why the Italian
economy has stagnated since the turn of
the century have been low productivity
and a stubbornly inefficient bureaucracy.
Tens of billions of euros will help to tackle
both. As Mr Colao admits, ensuring they
are spent wisely can befrustrating. “But I
always say that if I weren’tfrustrated I
wouldn’t be doing my job.”n
R OME
A minister for digital catch-up
Seeking a merchant of Venice