50 Asia TheEconomistMarch26th 2022
cialmobility.Thoughcrickethaslongbeen
anationalpreoccupation,itwasanelite
pursuit(aformernational captain’schild
hoodnicknamewas maharajah; another
wasliterallya prince).Thebeginningsof
India’seconomicliberalisationin 1991 led
“toanexplosionofthemiddleclassand
theempowermentofsmalltownsevery
where”,saysAmitVarma,a writerbasedin
Mumbai.Withina decadesomeofIndia’s
finestplayers,suchas M.S. Dhoni (pic
tured),a formercaptainwhoonceworked
asa ticketinspectorforIndianRailways,
wereemergingfromplacesandfamilies
withnocricketingpedigree.
By expanding opportunities in the
sport, the ipl supercharged this trend.
Leaguecontractsaloneofferaverygood
living, but success there has become a
springboard for a place in thenational
team.MohammedSiraj,a fastbowlerand
thesonofa rickshawdriver,wona con
tracttoplayintheiplforSunrisersHyder
abadandnowrepresentsIndiainTwen
ty20cricketandinTestmatches,themost
prestigiousformofthegame.
Theiplhasalsomadea markoutside
India,becominga bigculturalexportand
promptingnearlyevery othercricketing
nationtocopyitsformat.Some,suchas
theCaribbeanPremierLeague,havesuc
ceededinestablishingthemselves.Others
haveimplodedamidcorruptionorfinan
cialscandals.MrMajumdarbelievesthe
replicationofthe iplaroundthe world
“hasgivena risingIndiaa senseofconfi
dencethatitispossibletocreatea brand
thatgoesontoachieveglobaldominance”.
Yetiftheleagueholdsupa mirrortoall
thethingsIndialikesaboutitself,it alsore
flectssomeofitsweaknesses.Twosepa
rate matchfixing scandals emerged in
2013.Twoteamswerebannedfortwosea
sons,butthecredibilityoftheleagueand
thereputationofitsbrandweretarnished.
Players from Pakistan, cricket’s second
biggestmarket,remain unwelcome.And
thebccistillmaintainsahighlyprotec
tionistattitudetowardsIndianplayers.Al
thoughsetnumbersofforeignersarewel
come in the ipl, Indian cricketers are
bannedfromplayinginfranchisetourna
mentsabroad.UnmuktChand,wholedIn
diatovictoryintheUnder19WorldCupin
2012,wasforcedtoretirefromallcricketin
IndiatotakeupcontractstoplayinAmer
icaandAustralia.
Theiplisnowsufficientlydominant
withincricketthatitcandowhateverit
likes.Nonationalboardswanttocompete
byschedulingmatchesagainstit.Anew
domesticbroadcastingrights dealisim
minent,whichisexpectedtodoubleinval
uetoatleast$1bnayear,conferringyet
morepower.Buttherearereasonsforthe
bccitobecautious.Increasingthenumber
ofteamsrisksreducingthequalityofthe
cricket, and longer seasons could bore
viewers.Initsfirstdecadeanda halfthe
iplhas shownthat,by borrowingideas
fromelsewhereandadaptingthemtothe
local market, Indian entrepreneurs can
dominateathomeandabroad.Itsnext 15
yearswillrevealwhatkindofleadershipit
wantstoproject.ThatappliestoIndiaitself
asmuchastotheIndianPremierLeague.n
Out of the park
Major sports leagues, Google search intensity
Worldwide, peak=100
Source: Google Trends
100
80
60
40
20
0
22212019182017
NBA NFL
English
Premier
League
IPL
I
nside cinemas, “TheKashmirFiles”
starts with a disclaimer: “This film...
does not claim accurateness or factuality
of historic events.” Outside the cinema,
in contrast, the relentlessly violent dra
ma is being promoted with what might
be called a very big claimer. Narendra
Modi himself, India’s prime minister,
has hailed the film for exposing long
buried truths. So keen to share these is
his Bharatiya Janata Party (bjp) that states
it runs have scrapped local entertain
ment taxes for the movie.
Highpowered promotion is not the
sole reason why “The Kashmir Files” has
bagged over $25m since it opened on
March 11th, a postpandemic record. The
film also provokes strong emotions. Its
story revolves around the very real trage
dy of the Kashmiri Pandits, an ancient
community of highcaste Hindus who
were once perhaps 5% of the population
of the Kashmir Valley.
Pandits were targeted by Islamists
backed by Pakistan during a cataclysmic
surge in violence in the 1990s. Police
protection was scant. All but a few fled,
never to return. Official reports and
scholarly research suggest that more
than 200 were murdered, among the
14,000 civilians, 5,000 Indian soldiers
and 22,000 militants killed during the
past three decades of strife in the valley.
These other casualties get no mention
in the film. Instead, within its first 15
minutes we see Muslims betraying Hin
du neighbours, chanting “Convert or
die!”, beating Pandit children and vis
iting unspeakable (but apparently not
unfilmable) acts of savagery upon wom
en. By the end of the film it is not just the
awfulness of Muslims that is doggedly
bludgeoned into viewers. So is the perfi
dy of whiny leftists, intellectuals and
politicians who dare suggest that Mus
lims, who are 95% of the Kashmir Val
ley’spopulation,mightbe victims of a
sort, too. Small wonder that in cinemas
across India hotheaded youths, many of
whom appear to belong to extreme Hin
dunationalist groups, are making rous
ing sectarian speeches.
In the Kashmir Valley itself the film
has been met with silence. This is partly
because cinemas there closed in the
1990s. Zayd Hanief, a 22yearold law
student who watched the film on a visit
outside the valley, says he was revolted.
“It simply confirms the worst stereotypes
about Muslims.” To some, the boosting of
the film by Mr Modi, whose government
in 2019 imposed direct rule on the once
semiautonomous state of Jammu and
Kashmir, and has cracked down fiercely
on dissent, feels ominous. “Kashmiris
see it as a prelude to more serious op
pression,” says Sheikh Showkat Hussain,
a legal scholar and political analyst based
in the valley. “The movie will be used as
justification for whatever the govern
ment is doing or will do here.”
Bollywoodandreligion
Horrible histories
D ELHI
Afilm on Kashmir opens old wounds and feeds new fears
Not a documentary