Notes to Chapter 2 { 299and rigid theological doctrine: “As [Hegel’s lectures on the philosophy of history] make
perfectly clear, there can be no doubt... about the social dimension of Hegel’s Christianity
or about his desire to offer Sittlichkeit as a socio-Protestant alternative to the various kinds
of anti-social subjectivism that he thought had pervaded the modern world since 1789....
Hegel’s conception of Protestantism contained a sharp criticism of the kind of anti-social
Protestantism that characterized orthodox Lutheranism in the 1820 s” (“Religion and Philos-
ophy,” 326 – 27 ). On Hegel’s Protestantism as a “political ideology,” see also Dickey, “General
Introduction,” xxii.
118. Hegel, Philosophie des Rechts: Die Vorlesung von 1819 / 20 in einer Nachschrift, edited
by Dieter Henrich, 220 – 21.
119. Reissner comments: “Moser’s friends... understood that what was meant was
Hegel’s conception of the state” (Eduard Gans, 52 ).
120. As I discuss in the final section of chapter 3 , Moser later—in his correspondence
with Wohlwill, and under very different circumstances—used Hegel to argue that converting
had become acceptable, but this was a significant break from his original vision.
121. Moses Moser, “Rede vor der Gründungsversammlung des Vereins für Cultur und
Wissenschaft der Juden,” November 7 , 1819 , ARC 4 792 /B 10 – 2 , Zunz Archive. This passage
is quoted in Ucko, “Geistesgeschichtliche Grundlagen,” 328.
122. Moser, quoted in Ucko, “Geistesgeschichtliche Grundlagen,” 328.
123. Later in his memorandum, Moser argues that, even though many of the customs
and laws derived from the Bible are out of step with the current age, some form of them
remains necessary to preserve a Jewish national unity as understood within the parameters
of the “most correct” (that is, Hegelian) idea: “wir [haben] in der Bibel Vorschriften von
Gebräuchen und Gesetzen für einen bestimmten Staat, Zeit und Clima, deren ferneres
Bestehen zum Teil in größerem oder geringerem Widerspruch mit den Forderungen der
neuen Zeit und neuen Verhältnisse wäre, zum Theil aber auch mehr oder minder wichtig
zur Erhaltung einer Nationaleinheit ist, wie diese auch nach der richtigsten Idee gedacht
werden möge” (“Rede vor der Gründungsversammlung,” 10 ). This is also quoted in Ucko,
“Geistesgeschichtliche Grundlagen,” 331.
124. Moser, quoted in Ucko, “Geistesgeschichtliche Grundlagen,” 328.
125. Moser, “Rede vor der Gründungsversammlung,” 15 – 16.
126. Hegel’s 1821 philosophy of religion lectures lasted seventeen weeks, at four hours
per week, from April 30 until August 25. See Peter Hodgson, “Editorial Introduction,” 1 : 4.
127. Gans, quoted in Ucko, “Geistesgeschichtliche Grundlagen,” 336. Gans also pro-
posed the names “Verein für Beförderung der Wissenschaft und Kultur unter den Juden”
(Association for the Promotion of Science and Culture among the Jews), “Die Maccabäer”
(The Maccabees), and “Olympius” on May 27 , 1821. The eventual name Verein für Cultur
und Wissenschaft der Juden was not adopted until July 5 , 1821 (Protokoll-Buch für d. V. für
Cultur und Wissenschaft d. J. [ 25 March 1821 – 14 April 1822 ], ARC 4 º 792 /B 2 , Zunz Archive).
128. For scholarship on the importance of Wolf and Böck for Zunz’s conception of Wis-
senschaft des Judentums, see note 24 of this chapter.
129. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion (hereafter
LPR), 1 : 86. The angle brackets in Hodgson’s edition of LPR indicate passages in the mar-
gins of Hegel’s 1821 manuscript. Square brackets indicate Hodgson’s editorial insertions.
130. Ibid., 1 : 86 and 88.